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LL.D., M.R.A.S., R.E. 







The object of this volume is to present in a con- 
venient form the results of research and exploration 
concerning the history and buildings of the city of 
Jerusalem — results which have accumulated during 
the last half-century, but which are scattered in 
many expensive works not easily accessible for the 
general reader. The story of forty centuries is 
carried dov;n to tlie present 3'ear, and reliance is 
chiefly placed on monumental information. 


January ^/k, 1909. 


C O N T H N T S 






INDEX .... 











herod's temple (miss duthoit's model) 
the siloam inscription 


























I FIRST set eyes on Jerusalem one summer morning 
in 1872. The view — a mile away — of the long grey 
wall, the cypress trees of the Armenian garden, and 
the single minaret at the west gate, was not then 
obstructed by the row of Jewish cottages since built. 
The population was only about a third of what it 
now is. The railway station was not thought of, and 
only a few villas outside the gate existed, while the 
suburbs to north and south had not grown up, and 
Olivet was not covered with modern buildings. 
I passed two winters (1873-5) in the city, the 
second in a house in the Jews' quarter, and later on 
(188 1-2) a third winter at the hotel ; and during these 
visits my time was mainly occupied in wandering 
among the less-known corners of the town. It was a 
period very favourable for exploration. The survey 
by Sir Charles Wilson, the researches of de Vogiie, 
and the wonderful excavations of Sir Charles Warren, 
were then recent. The German Emperor, William I., 
had just ordered the clearing out of the eastern half ol 
the great square of St. John's Hospital, having been 
given by the Sultan the site of Charlemagne's hospice 



beside the Church of St. Mary Latin. In 1874 Mr. 
Henry Maudeslay was exploring the ancient scarps at 
the south-west corner of the Hebrew city ; and, by the 
Sultan's order, the Dome of the Rock — deconsecrated 
for a time — was being repaired, while other excava- 
tions were in progress outside the city on the 

I was thus able to walk in my socks all over the 
surface of the sacred Sakhrah " rock," and to ascend 
the scaffolding to the dome above, in order to examine 
the ancient mosaics of our seventh century, as well as 
those on the outside, where the old arcaded battlement 
of the ninth century was just laid bare. I penetrated, 
by the old rock-cut aqueduct at the north-west corner 
of the Haram, to the Herodian wall, and discovered 
the buttresses of the Temple rampart still standing, 
and just like those at Hebron. In the Jews' quarter 
I found the old hospice of the Teutonic Order, and the 
chapel of the Holy Ghost. In 1881 I crawled through 
the Siloam tunnel with two comrades, in danger of 
our lives, to find the point where the two parties 
of Hezekiah's workmen heard each other calling, and 
joined their work by a cross cut east and west. These 
were but a few additions to the work of my pre- 
decessors, and since 1882 many other valuable dis- 
coveries have been made by Mr. Bliss, Mr. Stewart 
Macalister, and other explorers, which will be de- 
scribed in due course. We no longer depend on the 
writings of Josephus and Tacitus, or on the confused 
accounts of mediaeval pilgrims. Our ideas are founded 
on existing remains. We have Hezekiah's own in- 
scription at Siloam ; the text (found by M. Clermont- 
Ganneau) which forbade Gentiles to enter the court of 
Herod's Temple ; the red paint instructions which his 
master-masons scrawled on the foundations of the 
mighty ramparts; the votive text to Serapis set up 
later by Roman soldiers ; the Greek inscriptions of 


Byzantine monks in tombs on the south side of the 
Hinnom Valley, and, yet earlier, those on the 
ossuaries, which pious Jews and Jewish Christians 
used in gathering the bones of their fathers for burial 
in the old tombs east and north of the Holy City. 
We have Armenian and Georgian mosaic texts, and 
Gothic tombstones of Crusaders. Finally, we have 
the great Kufic, Karmathian, and Arabic texts of the 
Khalifalis and Sultans of Islam, who founded or re- 
paired the beautiful buildings in the Haram. 

But all this information is still scattered in expensive 
memoirs, or separate reports of exploring societies ; 
and it is remarkable that, in spite of the great accumu- 
lation of true information during the last half-century, 
no general account of the history of Jerusalem — as a 
city — exists, though large volumes of controversial 
literature continue to appear. It is hoped that the 
present volume will give a clear idea of what is 
now actually known, and of the natural deductions 
from the facts. 

Recent visitors have felt themselves perplexed by 
conflicting statements as to the Bible sites — " Two 
Zions, two Temple areas, two Bethanys, two Geth- 
semanes, two or moreCalvarys, three Holy Sepulchres, 
several Bethesdas."^ The statement is perhaps an 
exaggeration, and the discrepancies as a whole are 
by no means recent, being due to ancient misunder- 
standings or conjectures. Tradition is overlaid by 
tradition in the long period of at least 3,400 years since 
Jerusalem first became a royal city of the Amorite. 
Jewish traditions were followed by those of Christians 
and Moslems, who were alike ill informed as to 
ancient history. The Crusaders brought in new ideas, 
and often rejected those of the Eastern Churches. 
The Franciscans, after 1300 a.d., were deprived of 
some churches, and the Pope sanctioned the trans- 

' H. Rix, " Tent and Testament," 1907, p. v. 


ference of old sites to other places. It is true that 
some literary critics have recently tried to prove 
that the " cit}^ of David " was not a royal city on 
the mountain top, but a mere hamlet on the tail 
of the Temple ridge. They have unfortunately — 
as unconscious heirs of the prejudices of Voltaire — 
been misled (as in so many other cases) by fixing 
on a single allusion, while ignoring other accounts, 
and dismissing the statements of Josephus as merely 
"traditional " ; but they have not given due considera- 
tion to the results of exploration, and they have shown 
but slight acquaintance with the scientific study of 
ancient architecture.^ As a rule, however, it is not 
the modern theorist but the ancient pilgrim who is 
responsible for the confusion ; and the agreement 
reached already, on the more important questions of 
topography, has been the outcome of actual research 
and of monumental studies. No one seems now to 
doubt that the Temple stood on the top of the 
eastern ridge. The positions of Olivet and Siloam 
have never been questioned. Herod's palace is placed 
by all in the north-west corner of the upper city, 
near the so-called " Tower of David," and Antonia 
on the rock of the present barracks at the north-west 
corner of the Temple courts. There was a time 
when the differences of opinion were much greater. 
One theorist even went so far as to assert that 
Hebron was the true site of ancient Jerusalem. But 
the .topography has hardly been changed since 
Nehemiah's age. The two great citadels are still 
held as Turkish strongholds, the Temple is still a 
sacred enclosure, the upper and lower markets are 
still where they always were, and even the dunghills 

1 The views of Thrupp were revived in 1880 by Dr. Robertson Smith, 
who has been followed by Dr. Sayce and Dr. G. A. Smith. The 
untenable character of this theory has, once more, been ably shown 
by the Rev. Selah Merrill quite recently. 


outside the wall are close to the " Dung Gate " of 
Hebrew times. We may sweep aside the miscon- 
ceptions due to vague literary statements, and found 
ourselves not on paper, but on rock and stone, on 
contemporary inscriptions and architectural remains. 

Ancient cities, as we now know — whether at Troy, 
Lachish, and Gezer, or at Rome and in London — were 
constantly rebuilt on the ruins of towns previously 
laid waste or burned. They present successive strata, 
with buildings that are themselves not all of one 
date, and which were sometimes carried down to 
rock, sometimes merely founded on the old walls and 
roofs. The street pavements and the lintels of city 
gates were renewed even within the period of one city, 
and more frequently than the walls and other build- 
ings. The earth was disturbed, so that old objects 
were brought up to the surface, and recent objects 
fell into the foundation trenches, presenting many 
puzzles for the explorer ; but, broadly speaking, the 
strata are as a rule clearly traceable, giving an historic 
sequence for the successive cities. In parts of Jeru- 
salem the valleys within the walls have gradually 
been filled with earth and ruined masonry to a 
depth of 40 or 50 feet, and it is only where the bare 
rock is on the surface that we can feel we are standing 
on the very ground trodden by the feet of our Lord. 
There are at least six successive cities to be studied 
at Jerusalem, lying one above another where the depth 
of the debris is greatest. Within quite recent times 
the level of some streets has been raised when they 
were repaved. In the twelfth century "Christian 
Street," as it is now called, rose gradually northward, 
being about 15 feet higher uphill at the point where 
it passed the west door of the Cathedral of the Holy 
Sepulchre than at the corner where it joined David 
Street, and where was the Chapel of St. John Baptist 
belonging to the Knights of St. John. But to-day 


Christian Street runs level, and the floor of the 
chapel is 25 feet below the street, being on the 
same level as that of the floor of the cathedral. 
Yet even this chapel floor is 10 feet above the 
original level of the rock, as it descends into the 
great Tyropoeon Valley. When I first visited Jeru- 
salem, the buildings of the Hospital were covered 
with earth for some depth above the vaulted roofs 
of the twelfth-century buildings. Soon after, this 
earth was removed on donkeys, which passed in 
a long procession daily out at the west gate, 
where they made a mound on which Jewish shops 
now stand. Thus the central valley was filled in, 
to a depth of 20 feet, before the Crusaders began • 
to build, and has been again filled in another 
20 feet or more since the thirteenth century ; while 
on the outside of the Temple, as we stand on the 
pavement at the Jews' Wailing-place and gaze on 
the mighty rampart towering above, we must re- 
member that we only see less than half its present 
height, and that it goes down beneath us nearly 
40 feet, to the older pavement of Herod's age, which 
was itself 20 feet above the foundation rocks. 
The causeway to the north of this is 90 feet above 
the rock, but in the sixth century the street was at 
least 40 feet lower, and in the time of Herod some 
30 feet lower still, yet already 20 feet . here also 
above rock. Such measurements, accurately ascer- 
tained by Sir Charles Warren, whose mine on the 
north-east side of the Temple was sunk through the 
shingle to a depth of 125 feet, will serv^e to show 
the gradual growth of the rubbish and the effacement 
of the ancient natural outline in the valleys w^hich 
ran within the city. 

Many scenes in modern Jerusalem rise before me 
in recalling the times when I lived within the walls, 
and passed so many days in the Temple enclosure, or 


in that grim church, defiled with blood, which some 
among us are glad to think of as not marking the new 
sepulchre without the city where the Prince of Peace 
was laid. But two scenes especially come back to 
mind. The first is that of the sleeping town before 
the gates were opened to admit the peasant women 
and their donkey-loads of cakes and vegetables. In 
the purple gloom the domes are beginning to shine, 
wet with the heavy dew, as the light spreads behind 
Olivet "as far as Hebron" — to quote the Mishnah. 
The silence is broken suddenly by the musical cry 
of the Muedhdhin on the minaret of a mosque — a 
long, rolling, and tremulous note, echoing all over 
Jerusalem, as he " testifies there is no God but God," 
and calls to the faithful that " prayer is better than 
sleep." The simple dignity of Islam contrasts with 
the superstition, the hurried services, the tawdry 
magnificence of degraded Eastern churches, and we 
understand how it was that the reformed faith of 
Muhammad conquered Asia. The second scene is 
that of the summer noon, which presents to us an 
epitome of the long history of the Holy City. The 
great Herodian tower of the upper city glares with 
tawny stone against the blue sky. The rough cobbles 
of the slippery market-place are crowded with 
chattering peasants. A few pious Moslems, un- 
conscious of the world, are praying with their faces 
towards Mekkah on the steps of the Protestant bishop's 
palace, where the town dogs also lie in summer, but 
go down to the covered bazaar when the winter rains 
and snow begin. The Armenian patriarch is being 
escorted, from St. James on Sion to the Holy Sepulchre, 
by a modest procession. A Moslem bier passes by, 
and men crowd round it to lend their shoulders for 
a few steps as a pious act. The little Pharisee, with 
his lovelocks and dirty gaberdine — or resplendent in 
his fur cap on the sabbath, just as Rembrandt drew 


his fathers — is jostled in the narrow street of David, 
yet holds his fingers on the pulses of the city life. 
Above the cries of the water-seller and the chinking 
of the brass sherbet-cups, the screams of women and 
the jangling of the metal plates that serve for bells 
in churches, rises one recurrent note from the blind 
beggar who wanders through the streets, forever 
calling aloud to the " everlasting God." We might 
almost expect to see a Templar ride by, with his 
white gown and blood-red cross over the mail coat, 
or the page of some Frankish noble in stripes of 
yellow and crimson. But instead we witness the 
long procession of half-naked Dervish fanatics, with 
banners, on their way to the Haram, and then to the 
" tomb of Moses" west of Jericho. They bear spears 
and swords, and are preceded by jesters with fox-tails 
or by a convict who has been tarred and covered 
with cotton wool — ancient survivals of pagan Satur- 
nalia. The Jew, the Greek, the Copt, the Georgian, 
the Armenian, the Arab, and the Turk mingle with 
the modern European and with the Franciscan monk 
from Italyjn the narrow lane ; and black-veiled ladies 
with white cloaks, seated on crimson saddles high up 
on the white Damascene asses, are led to the shops, 
or to the lower fruit-market which glows with colour, 
its green and gold contrasting with the violet or rich 
brown robes of the merchants. The whole histor}^ 
of Jerusalem is represented by its crowd to-day. 

In endeavouring to follow that history we must no 
doubt give due attention to tradition, for tradition 
records the sincere beliefs of mankind. In cases 
where the Jew, the Christian, and the Moslem all 
honour the same site, it generally appears that we 
have the actual spot described, or casually noticed, in 
the Bible. But there are not many such sites in 
Palestine, except the tombs of the Hebrew patriarchs 
at Hebron, the grave of Rachel near Bethlehem, Jacob's 


Well east of Shechem, and — in Jerusalem itself — the 
sites of Siloam and Olivet, of the Temple itself, and 
of Herod's palace and tower. As to others, there is 
not a single existing site in the Holy City that is 
mentioned in connection with Christian history before 
the year 326 a.d., when Constantine's mother adored 
the two footprints of Christ on Olivet. We may not 
charge the priests of the Catholic Church with " pious 
fraud," for they were no doubt as sincere as those who 
of late have created a new site for the Sepulchre by 
enthusiasm without knowledge. There is something 
very pathetic in the story of men who came on foot 
from Gaul and Britain in early times, to fortify their 
faith by seeing for themselves the very places seen 
b}^ their Lord, to be buried near Him, or to kiss the 
footprints and finger prints which they were shown 
on the rocks of Olivet, or in the Aksa Mosque and 
Dome of the Rock, where they are now preserved 
and visited by Moslems only. The adoration of relics 
is not peculiar to Christianity. It is an outcome of 
that intense longing for certainty and finality which 
is natural to all mankind. The Moslem and the 
Buddhist had from the first their relics as well as the 
Christian — nay, we go back to the days of Herodotus, 
when the footprints of Herakles was shown in Scythia, 
or of Pausanias who saw " Leda's egg " in a temple. 
But however sincere the beliefs of the past may have 
been, we cannot but confess, when studying in detail 
the traditional topography of Jerusalem, that it has 
grown and changed just as the city itself has done, 
because of the succession of various ruling races, and 
because to Jew, Christian, and Moslem alike there 
has always been a Holy City here which they coveted, 
and for which they shed their blood. 

Some few of the principal sites have remained 
always the same ; others have been often shifted ; and 
the number of sites has been increased continually 


from century to century. Most of the pilgrims, 
whether Christian or Moslem, were illiterate; and 
those who were better educated, and whose accounts 
w^ere copied and re-copied more or less accurately, 
were often strangely ignorant of the Bible and of the 
history of Palestine. To the ordinary pilgrim the 
relics and the pictures were " books of the ignorant," 
and strange superstitions — such as that of the crypt 
where " Solomon tortured demons " ^ — are mingled 
with the statements of the Gospels. The first record 
of a pilgrim visit is that of a traveller from Bordeaux 
in 333 A.D. He makes the curious mistakes of supposing 
the Transfiguration to have occurred on Olivet and 
David's victory over Goliath near Jezreel. St. Silvia 
of Aquitaine, half a century later, accepts as genuine 
the forged correspondence between Christ and King 
Abgarus ; and after the fifth century the legends of 
the Apocryphal Gospels — especially those concerning 
the Virgin Mary — form the foundation of traditional 
topography in many cases. In the Middle Ages the 
pilgrims are also influenced by the comments on 
the Gospels of Tertullian, Origen, and other Christian 
fathers, though the works of those fathers who wrote 
before 325 a.d. show no acquaintance with any 
Jerusalem sites. For these reasons it is evident 
that the traditions must be received with caution; 
and, as the pilgrim texts are only valuable in show- 
ing contemporary facts and beliefs, their accounts 
may be here summed up as far as regards traditional 

When Helena, the mother of Constantine, visited 
Palestine in 326 a.d., she was shown nothing at 
Jerusalem except the two footprints of Christ on 
Olivet,^ The story of her discovery of the true Cross 

' Bordeaux Pilgrim, 333 a.d., "Crypta ubi Salomon daemones 
* Eusebius, "Life of Constantine," iii. 42. 


is not noticed till about a century later/ though as 
early as 348 a.d. St. Cyril of Jerusalem^ speaks of 
fragments of the Cross as being distributed " piece- 
meal throughout the world." The site of the Ascen- 
sion is thus the first of all to be mentioned. A church 
was built by Constantine before 333 a.d. on the 
summit of Olivet, and the two footprints of the 
Saviour impressed in the rock continued to be shown 
down to the Middle Ages, though in 1342 a.d. only 
one was pointed out, just as at present.^ Two other 
footprints of Christ were shown after the fifth century : 
one in the Church of St. Mary (now in the Aksa 
Mosque), which is still shown by Moslems^; the other 
on the Sakhrah rock, which is now called " the noble 
footstep " of Muhammad' ; while the marks now called 
finger-prints of the Angel Gabriel, on this rock, were 
supposed to have been those of our Lord, as were 
others in the Cave of the Agony.^ Yet later, in the 
sixteenth century, footmarks of Christ were also 
shown on the south-east side of the little bridge over 
the Kidron Valley.' 

A fragment of the true Cross was adored by St. 
Paula and by St. Silvia, near Calvary, sixty years 
after the time of Helena's visit ; and St. Silvia was 
also shown the "title" once affixed to the same. 
About 530 A.D. the discovery of three crosses is 

' Rufinus (died 410 A.D.), i. 7 ; Theodoret (<:. 440 a.d.), i. 17; Sozomen 
{c. 450 A.D.), ii. I, quoted by Robinson, " Bib. Res." i. p. 374. 

* Cyril, "Catech. Lect." iv. 10, .\. 19, xiii. 4, 9. These lectures 
were given in the Basilica of the Anastasis to the neophytes preparing 
for baptism at Easter, 347-8 a.d. 

^ Maundeville, 1342 a.d., "And yet there appears the imprint of 
His left foot in the stone." 

■• Antony of Piacenza {c. 570 a.d.); now Kadam 'A/sa, or "footprint 
of Jesus." 

* Kadam esh Sherif. John of Wiirzburg {c. 1160 a.d.), " Pede 
domini calcatus et insignatus." 

^ John of Wiirzburg. 

^ Zuallardo, " Dev. Viag." (1586), p. 152. 


mentioned as due to Helena. The fragment was 
taken by Chosroes II. to Persia, but recovered in 
628 A.D., and removed to Constantinople with other 
relics in 634 a.d. As seen in St. Sophia by Arculphus, 
half a century later, there appear to have been three 
pieces, each less than 3 feet in length. In 1192 a.d. 
another fragment was believed to be in the keeping 
of the Syrian bishop of Lydda, besides that one which 
Saladin captured in 1187.^ St. Silvia gives an extra- 
ordinary account of the precautions taken when 
pilgrims were allowed to kiss the original relic, due 
to the fact that a wretch had once bitten off a piece, 
which he tried to carry away in his mouth, probably 
meaning to sell it in Europe.^ 

"Solomon's seal" and the "horn of David" were 
apparently the only other relics shown in the fourth 
century at the Anastasis Church,^ but in the sixth 
we find described the onyx cup of the Last Supper, 
the lance and sponge used at the Crucifixion, and 
the crown of thorns. These also were removed by 
Heraclius to Constantinople with the Cross, and the 
crown of thorns was afterwards sent to St. Louis 
of France, who built for it the Sainte Chapelle. Yet 
in 867 A.D. Bernard the Wise was shown a crown of 
thorns hanging up in the Church of St. Sion,^ while 
a silver chalice takes the place of the onyx cup in 
680 A.D., and appears to have been also regarded as 
the original relic. The stone which the angel rolled 
away from the sepulchre is noticed even by Cyril 
and St. Paula, and is spoken of about 680 a.d. as 
broken in two. In the eighth century it had dis- 

1 " Paula et Eustochium " ; Silvia, " Perigrinatio " ; Theodorus ; Adam- 
nanus {c. 680 a.d.) ; Geoffrey de Vinsauf, v. 53, cf. i. 5. 

=* St. Silvia, " Dicitur quidam fixisse morsum ut furasset sancto 

* St. Silvia (385 A.D.), Theodorus [c. 530 a.d.). 

* Theodorus {c. 530 a.d.), Antoninus {c. 570 a.d.), Arculphus 
{c. 680 A.D.), Bernard {c. 867 a.d.). 


appeared, and a square pointed stone was shown 
instead ; yet a hundred years later the substitute was 
accepted as being the original.^ 

Many marvels were reported to occur in the Church 
of the Resurrection. Theodorus (or Theodosius, as 
he is also called), in 530 a.d., was told that the holy 
lance, which had been made into a cross, " shone at 
night like the sun by day." St, Silvia says that at 
the early morning service no lights were brought 
into the church, but that they were supplied from 
an ever-burning lamp within the Cave of the Sepulchre. 
This seems to be the germ of the later " holy fire," 
which appeared at Easter, as first clearly described 
by Bernard the Wise,- who tells us that, on the eve 
of Easter Day, the " Kyrie eleison " was sung until 
the angel came to light the lamps. In the twelfth 
century the fire appeared sometimes in the Hospital 
of St. John or in the Temple enclosure, sometimes 
in the cathedral, and was said to pass by an under- 
ground passage between the two latter. In 1192 
Saladin is said to have attended the ceremony, but 
the Saracens " asserted that it was a fraudulent 

The position of the traditional sites of Calvary and 
the Holy Sepulchre, in the middle of the north quarter 
of Jerusalem, seems to have given rise to suspicions 
very early. Eusebius ' speaks of the "new Jerusalem 
rising opposite the old," and appears to think that 
the latter included little more than the traditional 
Sion and the Temple hill. Later writers '' are careful 
to urge that Hadrian was the first to enclose the 

' Pilgrimage of St. Paula (384 A.D.); St. Willibald {c. 750 a.d.), " In 
similitudine prioris lapidis " ; Bernard (867 a.d.), " Lapidem . . . quern 
angelus revolvit." 

' Bernard (867 a.d.), " Veniente angelo in lampadibus accenditur." 
' Theodoricus {c. 1172 a.d.); Geof. de Vinsauf, v. 16. 

* Eusebius, " Life of Constantine," iii. 33. 

* Saewulf {c. 1 102 A.D.), John of Wurzburg {c. 1 160 a.d.), and others. 


sacred sites within the city wall, though there is no 
foundation in contemporary accounts for this assertion. 
Even the pilgrims were not always satisfied to accept 
all the traditions. John of Wurzburg, about 1160 a.d., 
knew that the Sakhrah rock could not be that of Jacob 
at Bethel, though Theodorich a dozen years later 
seems to have accepted what was then a recent 
tradition, confounding the "House of God" — or 
Temple — with the city Beth-el. Some of the early 
writers were aware that different statements in the 
New Testament were " hard to reconcile," and sites 
which were called "Galilee" — on Olivet and on Sion 
— arose from apologetic explanations of the different 
accounts in the Gospels as to what happened after 
the Resurrection.* 

Next to the relics in the Church of the Holy 
Sepulchre, the sites on Mount Sion were venerated 
from an early age. A church (now the Mosque of 
Nebi Daud) already existed in the fourth century, and 
was said to mark the sites of the Last Supper and 
of the descent of the Holy Ghost at Pentecost. By 
440 A.D. it had come to be regarded as the oldest 
church in the world, founded by Christ or by the 
Apostles. It was regarded by Jews and Christians 
in the twelfth century as being close to David's tomb. 
The Franciscans held it from 131 3 till the time of 
Pope Sixtus IV.'" (1471-84 A.D.), who sanctioned the 
transference of the traditions therewith connected to 
the so-called " House of Caiaphas " — now the small 
Armenian convent outside the south wall — when the 
Moslems seized the old church as being the sepulchre 
of " the prophet David." About 1547 the Franciscans 
seem to have recovered this Church of the Cosnaculum, 

' Matt, xxviii. i6 ; Luke xxW. 52; Johnxxi. I ; Acts i. Ii, 12. 

* Eucherius (c. 440 a.d.), Theodorus (530 a.d.), Theodoricus {c. 
I172A.D.), Pierre Belon (1553 a.d.), Zuallardo (1586 a.d.). The last 
named mentions this remarkable transference of sites (p. 129). 


or Last Supper, but had again lost it by 1561. We 
do not know the reasons given for approving the 
translation of sites, but such transferences were 
common even in the end of the thirteenth century, 
as the Moslems gradually extended their boundaries 
in Palestine, acquiring many of the older traditional 
sites which pilgrims were then unable to visit. The 
" House of Caiaphas " was shown as early as the 
fourth century as being the place where Peter denied 
his Lord, It once belonged to the Georgians, whom 
the Franciscans succeeded, and it afterwards became 
the burial-place of the Armenian patriarchs. Many 
traditions clustered round it in the Middle Ages, and 
the scene of the Virgin's death in the house of 
St. John was shown close by on the south. In the 
church porch was a pillar, noticed by the Bordeaux 
Pilgrim as that to which Christ was bound for 
scourging ; but in the Middle Ages the site where 
this pillar stood is often changed, and no less than 
three positions are now indicated. The original Sion 
pillar was said, in the sixth century, to have been 
bidden by Christ to transfer itself from the House 
of Caiaphas to the Church of St. Sion,^ and the 
impress of the Saviour's face was then to be seen 
upon it. In the sixteenth century it was supposed 
to be the pillar on which the cock stood and crowed 
when Peter denied Christ. Another flagellation pillar 
was taken to Rome ; a third was in the Latin chapel 
north of the Holy Sepulchre in 1586, and is still 
shown by Latins ; a fourth, close to Calvary, has been 
shown by the Greeks since 1341 ; and the Franciscans, 
since the sixteenth century, have shown the hole where 
the pillar of scourging once stood in the chapel just 
north of the Haram. 

^ Pilgr. of Paula ; Bordeaux Pilgrim ; St. Silvia ; Zuallardo, " Dev. 
Viag."; Theodorus {c. 530 a.d.), "Columna quEe fuit in domo 
Caiapha;, ad quam Dominus Christus flagellatus est, modo in sanctam 
Sion jussu Domini ipsa columna secuta est." 


There were also two prisons in which Christ was 
placed, according to later accounts ; one of them was at 
the " House of Annas," near the south wall and within 
the city. This is now the Syrian convent of the 
" Olive Tree," to which tree our Lord was bound. 
Here also, in the twelfth century, was the prison in 
which St. Peter was confined by Herod; and the 
city gate to the south was then supposed to be the 
"Iron Gate" which opened of itself.^ The other 
prison was a chapel, north-east of the Holy Sepulchre, 
which is not noticed earlier than 1102 a.d., but must 
be included in the number of chapels found existing 
by the Crusaders.^ Finally, another site connected 
with St. Peter was shown in the twelfth century 
on the east slope of Sion — namely, the cave where 
he wept, covered by the chapel of " Gallicantus," 
or " Cock-crowing," which some confused with 
" Galilee." 

The sites in and round the Temple enclosure, and 
that of St. Stephen's death, with some on Olivet, were 
equally liable to change in course of time. Thus the 
Pool of Bethesda has been traditionally pointed out 
in three separate places. From 333 a.d. down to 
440 A.D. the " Sheep Pool," or Bethesda, is placed at 
the " Twin Pools," which still exist in the Antonia 
fosse,^ and which may have been cut out of the rock 
in the time of Herod or later. They are vaulted over 
with masonry, probably of the sixth century a.d., 
and gradually disappeared from sight as the level 
of the street was raised above them ; thus already 
in the sixth century the " Sheep Pool " is placed at 
some distance from the " House of Pilate," which 

' Acts xii. 3, 10. 

^ Saewulf {c. 1102 a.d.); John of Wurzburg (c. 1160), "Career 
Domini ... in sinistra apsida ecclesiae." 

^ Bordeaux Pilgrim, " Piscinae gemellares . . . quae appelluntur 
Bethsaida " ; Eucherius, " Bethesda gemino . . . lacu." 


immediately adjoined the "Twin Pools." ^ In the 
twelfth century Bethesda is always described as being 
at the " Piscina Interior," or '* inner pool," a large 
rock tank west of the Church of St. Anne, which 
was rediscovered in 1888; but even in the thirteenth 
century the Templars were showing another site, 
namely, that which appears on the old map of Jeru- 
salem (about 1308 A.D.), and which is the same now 
pointed out — the Birket Israil, or " Pool of Israel." ^ 
There was considerable difference of opinion also as 
to where the Praetorium, or " House of Pilate," should 
be placed. In the sixth century it was at the Antonia 
site, where Justinian built a chapel of St. Sophia — 
now the " Chapel of the Mocking " — inside the Turkish 
barracks. In the seventh and early in the twelfth 
centuries it was supposed to be on Mount Sion, but 
in the thirteenth it was replaced at the north-west 
corner of the Haram.^ 

The adoration of the Virgin began to be increasingly 
important after the great schism of 431 a.d., when 
Nestorius was condemned at Ephesus for refusing 
to her the title " Mother of God." In the middle of 
the sixth century Justinian built his great Basilica 
of St. Mary on the south side of the Temple en- 
closure, and the Tomb of the Virgin is not mentioned 
by pilgrims before this time, nor are any of the other 
churches of St. Mary which existed within the city. 
The legend of the " Virgin's Well," where she washed 

' Theodorus, 530 a.d. 

^ The Templar rival site is noticed in an anonymous thirteenth- 
century tract. The map of 1308 shows the Piscina (interior) west 
of St. Anne, but the Piscina Probatica south of that church. The 
pilgrims usually call the pool Bethsaida, as in the Vat. MS. (Sinaitic 
Bethzatha), and note its "five cloisters " (John v. 2). Bethesda pro- 
bably means " house of the stream," but Beth-siddei would be " the 
house of sides," or "cloisters." 

^ Theodorus, Armenian account, Antoninus Martyr, Abbot Daniel 
{c. 1 106 A.D.), John of VViirzburg. 



the clothes of the infant Jesus, is much later. The 
underground church supposed in 530 a.d. to be the 
site of Mary's tomb was beneath a basilica which 
Queen Melisinda replaced by the present church in 
1 161 A.D. She was buried soon after half-way down 
the steps to the crypt, yet in 1385 her tomb is de- 
scribed as that of " Queen Mary," while to-day it is 
known as that of St. Joseph.^ On Olivet the little 
cave-chapel of St. Lazarus in Bethany was built over 
in the fourth century,^ but the sites of the Pater 
Noster and Credo chapels, and the Cave of Pelagia, 
are not noticed before the sixth century. The old 
" Cave of the Agony " may have been shown as 
"Gethsemane" in the time of Jerome,^ but the Latin 
site on the south side of the road to Bethany was 
not enclosed by the Franciscans till 1847 a.d. Another 
site which is often changed is that of the place where 
Judas hanged himself, which is usually connected 
with an arch or bridge — no doubt on account of an 
apocryphal legend which I have been unable to trace.^ 
In the sixth century Antony of Piacenza was shown 
the fig tree of Judas apparently north of the East 
Gate of Jerusalem ; but if Adamnan rightly under- 
stood the account of Arculphus, his Gaulish guest in 
lona, the bridge was to the south-west of the city, 
and Judas hanged himself on the west side of the 
middle arch, where a great fig tree then grew. This 
bridge is not otherwise mentioned, and in the four- 
teenth century an elder tree was shown, near Ab- 
salom's tomb, and the little bridge over the Kidron 

1 R. Rohricht, " Die Jerusalemfahrt des Peter Sparnau," 1385. 

' Onomasticon, s.v. Bethania. 

^ Ibid., s.v. Gethse7na?ie ; St. Silvia (385 a.d.). 

* Acts i. 20. It may be suspected that the idea of the bridge origin- 
ated in a confusion between the Greek cpaulis, " abode," and ep-aulou, 
" over a pipe " (or " aqueduct " — anion), the bridge of Adamnanus 
being that of the low-level aqueduct south-west of the city, as Robinson 


on the east side of which Judas hung, according to 

From the fourth to the sixth century the ancient 
temple wall at the south-east angle of the enclosure 
stood up like a ** pinnacle " above the ruins, and 
this was pointed out as the pinnacle on which Christ 
was placed by the Devil. Close by was the small 
vaulted chamber where Solomon "wrote Wisdom," 
and where (in the " House of Simeon ") was the cradle 
of Christ. In the middle of the tv/elfth century a 
wooden cradle was shown, whereas this is now 
replaced by a Roman vaulted niche laid flat, which 
was once intended to hold a statue.^ 

In a Church ot St. John on Olivet^ our Lord was 
believed, in the ninth century, to have met the woman 
charged with adultery, and the *' writing on the 
ground ",was here shown. Early in the twelfth century 
this site was transferred to the cave under the 
Sakhrah, where it was still believed to exist in the 
fourteenth, though the " writing " of Christ was then 
shown on a stone in the Pater Noster Chapel. 

Among the earlier sites, that of the stoning of 
Stephen has also been variously placed at different 
times. The worship of saints developed in the fifth 
century, and the tomb of St. Stephen was supposed 
to have been found, in 415 a.d., at Caphar Gamala, 
a village which retains its old name still, about 20 
Roman miles south-west of Jerusalem, The empress 
Eudocia, returning after her first visit to the Holy 

' Ant. Martyr {c. 570 a.d.); Adamnanus {c. 680 a.d.), "Pons 
lapideus occurrit eminus per vallem ad austrum recto tramite 
directus arcubus sussaltus"; Sir John Maundeville (1342 a.d.); 
Zuallardo (1586 a.d.), " Dev, Viag.," p. 152. The "Arch of Judas" 
was inside the city about 1 187 a.d. 

- Bordeaux Pilgrim, Eucherius {c. 440 a.d.), Theodorus {c. 530 a.d.), 
Saewulf (c. 1102 a.d.), John of Wurzburg {c. 1160 a.d.). 

^ John viii. 3, 6. Bernardus (867 a.d.), Saewulf, John of Wurzburg, 


City, brought back to Constantinople the chains of 
St, Peter, and the right arm of St. Stephen, with 
the portrait of the Virgin said to have been painted 
by St. Luke. She retired later to Jerusalem, where 
she lived sixteen years and died about 460 a.d. She 
is said to have built a church of St. Stephen at the 
site of his martyrdom by stoning, outside the North 
or "Galilee" Gate ; but in 530 a.d. a stone was shown 
on Sion with which he was said to have been slain, 
and by the twelfth century he was believed to have 
been there buried. The Crusaders found the church 
of Eudocia (where she was buried) in ruins, and the 
North Gate was still called St. Stephen's down to 
about 1200 A.D., though about 1160 a.d. the site of 
the martyrdom is shifted to the west side of the town. 
It first appears in its present position, outside the 
East Gate, in the old map of about 1308 a.d. A 
Greek text has recently been found at this site, 
bearing the words " This is the gate of the Lord, 
the righteous shall (enter in). Holy Stephen pray 
for (us)." But this slab may have been transferred 
from the ancient site outside the North Gate.^ 

Many new Latin sites were created by the Crusaders 
in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The chapels 
then built have been carefully planned and described 
by Dr. Tobler, Comte M. de Vogiie, and Herr Schick, 
architect to the German Emperor and the Sultan, 
who for so many years was an untiring student of 
Jerusalem. In a few cases the churches mentioned 
— such of those as St. Agnes and St. Giles — are not 
yet identified. On Sion, St. Mark, St. Thomas, 
St. George, and St. James the Less, with the Chapel 

' '' Mem. West. Pal. Survey," iii. p. 24 ; Reland, Pal. p. 688 ; Theodorus 
(530 A.D.); Saewulf (1102 a.d.); Abbot Daniel (6-. 1106 a.d.); John of 
Wurzburg {c. 1 160 A.D.) ; Phocas {c. 1 185 A.D.) ; " Citez de Jherusalem " 
(after 1187 a.d.); Marino Sanudo (c. 1320 a.d.); Regesta Reg. 
Hierosol. No. 329 (11 57 a.d.). C. K. Spyridonidis, in Pal. Expl. Fund 
Quarterly (April 1907, p. 137), gives the inscription. 


of the Three Maries, still exist. In the centre of 
the town, St. Mary Latin, St. Mary Magna, and — 
north of the Holy Sepulchre— St. Chariton, are now 
known. On the north-east were St, Anne, St. Mary 
Magdalene, and — at the Ecce Homo Arch — the church 
of the *' Rest " of Mary. The " Stables of Solomon " 
are never noticed before the twelfth ccntur}^, when the 
" Oak of Rogel " was pointed out where a sacred tree 
still stands at Siloam, being supposed to be the place 
where Isaiah was sawn asunder. The " Gate Dolorous " 
was then the name of that leading from Antonia, and 
the " School ot the Virgin " was the title given to the 
" Dome of the Roll," at the south-west corner of the 
platform of the Dome of the Rock. The " House of 
Uriah " was then supposed to have been near David's 
palace and tower, and the old tank near the Jaffa 
Gate still bears the name of " Bathsheba's Bath " ; 
but in the sixteenth century this house was shown 
at the south-west corner of the Hebrew city, and 
the bath was transferred to the Birket es Sultan. 
The altar of the Temple is said to have been con- 
verted into a sundial by the Saracens,^ and a block 
of masonry, south of the Dome of the Rock, was still 
pointed out in 1874 as the place where a sundial had 
stood. Finally, the fig tree cursed by Christ was 
shown at the bend of the road near Bethany ; and 
the place where He " descended from the ass " near 
Bethphage — a site said even by Bernard the Wise 
to be marked by a marble slab in 867 a.d. — was to 
be found in a small chapel, where a block of stone 
has been recovered, with mediaeval Latin texts, and 
frescoes representing the raising of Lazarus, the 
fetching of the ass, and a third subject. - 

After the massacre of the Christians in 1244 a.d., 

' John of Wiirzburg, "Quod a Sarracenis postea mutatum est in 
horologium." He follows Fetellus {c. 1151-7 a.d.). 

' " Mem. Survey West Pal," Jerusalem vol., 1883, pp. 331-40. 


the Franciscans were allowed b}- the Sultan of Egypt 
to return to Jerusalem, and the3^ alone — for about five 
centuries — represented Latin Christianity in Palestine, 
The Latin churches were in ruins, and were either 
appropriated b}'^ Greeks and Armenians, or in other 
cases were turned into mosques. The Franciscan 
monaster}' of St. Saviour was in the north-west corner 
of the city, where the Latin Patriarchate now is. The 
friars were the guides of pilgrims after the fall of Acre 
in 1291 A.D., but they were only able to show sites 
outside the city, or in the streets, with exception of 
those in the Holy Sepulchre Cathedral, which, by 
treaty, was reserved to Christians. This seems to 
have been the reason why the sites in the Via 
Dolorosa — which are unnoticed before 1300 a.d. — 
came to be established. The capital of a pillar has 
been found, on which the legend of St. Veronica and 
the " holy handkerchief" is represented,' which may 
be as old as the twelfth century. The Chapel of the 
" Spasm " of the Virgin, with its mosaic floor, has 
also been recovered at the point where the Via 
Dolorosa turns south,- and this station is mentioned 
in the fourteenth centur}^ •'' ; but only eight stations 
are noticed in the sixteenth century out of fourteen 
now shown by the Latins.^ The "Stone of Unction," 
west of Calvary, is first noticed by Ludolph of Suchem, 
about 1 330 A.D., as a Latin site, and " Herod's House " — 
still extant, near the "red minaret" in the north-east 
of the town — is mentioned by Sir John Maundeville 
in 1342 A.D. Two footprints of Christ continued to be 
here shown down to the present century, and this 
place was still known in 1846, but has now ceased 

' Canon Dalton and M. Clermont-Ganneau, Pal. Expl. Fund 
Quarterly, 1900, pp. 166 scq. 

■ Pal. Expl. Ftmd Qiiartaly, 1902, p. 122. 

' Marino Sanudo {c. 1320 a.d.). 

* Zuallardo, " Dev. Viag." (1586 a.d.), gives a drawing of tlie whole 
course of the Via Dolorosa. 


to be reckoned among the sacred sites.^ The place 
where Christ wept for Jerusalem on Olivet, and the 
ancient tomb in the Hinnom Valley (probably that of 
Ananus), which was converted into a chapel with 
a frescoed roof and called the " Retreat of the 
Apostles,"- seem to be first noticed by Zuallardo in 
1586 A.D., as are also the " House of Dives" and the 
" House of the Pharisee," in the Via Dolorosa. 

Detailed study of the traditional sites, fixed by the 
Oriental and Roman Churches, thus serves to show 
that none of them go back to the earlier years of the 
fourth century saving those of the Ascension, St. Sion, 
Calvary, and the Holy Sepulchre. The statements of 
the pilgrims prove to us that the remainder, as a whole, 
were vague and shifting identifications, on which no 
reliance can be placed. We learn from the Gospel 
(Luke xxiv. 50) that our Lord led His disciples out 
" as far as to Bethany," and He is not said to have 
ascended from the summit of Olivet. The site of 
Calvary was considered to require defence even in 
the fourth century, because it was within the city. 
There is a gap of three hundred years, which is not 
bridged by any ancient allusion even, separating the 
first notice of these older sites from the time of the 
Crucifixion. Pious opinions, sanctioned by Popes and 
Patriarchs, became fixed traditions as time went on, 
and the number of the sites constantly increased, while 
Greeks and Latins showed rival " vestigia " in rival 
shrines. Relics were perhaps often meant only to be 
regarded as representations of objects connected with 
the Passion ; but, in the dark age of Gothic ignorance, 
the belief in miracles wrought by bones of the saints 
infected Christianity with all the superstitions which 

' Schick, Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, April 1896, p. 122, July 1896 ; 
T. Tobler, " Topogr.," i. p. 445. 

^ " Mem. Survey West Pal.," Jerusalem vol., 1883, p. 419; Josephus, 
" Wars," V. xii. 2. 


the illiterate converts brought in from paganism. 
The first Christians were intent on the future rather 
than on the past, and the Gospels themselves say 
nothing definite as to the position of Calvary or of 
the new tomb in the garden. The pilgrims devoutly 
believed that they had kissed the true Cross and 
the actual footprints of Christ, and knew little of the 
earlier history of the sites where they gave alms 
and received indulgences. But it is necessary, in 
endeavouring to ascertain the truth, to distinguish 
between their beliefs and their accounts of existing 
buildings, and we must found our study of the history 
of Jerusalem on existing monuments and inscriptions, 
and as far as possible on contemporary statements — 
on science, not on legend — even if such examination 
of facts leads us to discard as improbable sites which 
have so long been sacred to Christians ; while we 
must also admit that certainty and finality are still 
impossible, in cases where the actual evidence is 
meagre. The account here given of the traditions 
will serve to show that they have not been dis- 
regarded as an element in the study of various 
questions of historical importance. 

chaptp:r II 


The mysterious figure of Mclchizedek King of Salem 
haunted the memory of Hebrew writers in later 
times.^ The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews 
says, " Now consider how great this man was unto 
whom even the patriarch Abraham gave the tenth of 
the spoils." Salem appears to have been Jerusalem, 
according to the Psalm ^ in which we read, "In Salem 
is His dwelling, and His abode in Zion " ; and the 
" King's Dale " is placed by Josephus near the city, 
where perhaps it is again noticed later.^ The Samari- 
tans, who grouped so many sacred sites round Gerizim, 
seem to have believed that Salem was the Shalem 
afterwards visited by Jacob, east of Shechem — the 
Salim of the Fourth Gospel, now the village of Salim, 
which is mentioned in the Paschal Chronicle ; while 
in the fourth century, according to Jerome, "The 
palace of Melchisedec was there shown, its magni- 
ficence witnessed by the size of ruins of ancient 
workmanship." ^ We may, however, accept the 

' Ps. ex. 4; Heb. v. 6, lo, vii. 1-4. - Ps. Ix.xvi. 2. 

' Gen. xiv. 17, 18; 2 Sam. xviii. 18; Josephus, "Ant.," I. x. 2; 
"Ant," VII. x. 3. 

* Gen. xxxiii. 18 (A.V. marg.), called Salim el Kebira (" Great 
Salem ") in Samaritan Chronicle (Neubauer, Journal Asiatique, Dec. 
1869, p. 433). See "Mem. West Pal," ii. p. 230; Tal. Jer., Abodah 
Zara, v. 4 ; John iii. 23 ; Onomasticon, s.v. Jerusalem and Salem ; 
Chron. Paschale, quoted by Reland, " Pal. lUustr.," ii. p. 977. Jerome 
(" Ep. ad Evang."), "Salem oppidum est juxta Scythopolim quod 
usque hodie appellatur Salem et ostenditur ibi palatium Melchisedec," 



Hebrew belief that Salem ("safety") is the same as 
Uru-salimu (" the city of safety "), which we now 
know to have been the Amorite name for their ro3^al 

Melchizedek appears and disappears suddenly, 
without any explanation as to his race or lineage. 
Josephus believed him to have been a Canaanite, and 
fixes his date as founder of Jerusalem about 2058 b.c. 
The chronology of the Hebrew text of Genesis would, 
however, make it about a century earlier, in the 
" days of Amraphel king of Shinar," whom Sir Henry 
Rawlinson identified with 'Ammurabi, the famous sixth 
King of Babylon, who has been shown to have acceded 
in 2139 B.c.,^ and who was thus the contemporary of 
Abraham. It would seem that this priest-king of 
Jerusalem was the suzerain of the petty kings of the 
cities in the Jordan Valley ; but Abraham's tithes are 
said to have been off"ered to Jehovah as the " most high 
God," and not to Melchizedek as his over-lord. Jeru- 
salem thus appears, even in the earliest notice, to have 
been a sacred city,^ and we are no longer surprised — 
in reading the account in Genesis — at the civilisation 
of Abraham's age, since we know that Canaan then 
shared, in some measure at least, the culture of the 
two ancient empires of Babylon and of Eg^^pt, which 
disputed its possession. 

The original population of the cit}' is said to have 
been both Amorite and Hittite,^ nor is there any 
reason to doubt that an outlying tribe of the latter 

' Gen. xiv. i ; Josephus, " Wars," VI. x. i. See my article in " Murray's 
Bible Dictionary," igo8, "Chronology." The date is now ascertained 
from the Babylonian Chronicle's through-reckoning, and from a text of 
Nabu-uahid, while the same result was reached by Dr. Felix Peiser 
{Zeitschrift fur Assyr. vi. pp. 264-71) in 1891 from the statements of 

' Ariel (Isa. xxix. I, 2, 7) may stand for Babylonian cri-ilu, " city of 
God," as a name of Jerusalem. 

* Ezek. xvi. 3, 45. 


race, coming south from Syria, may have then 
occupied the mountains of Salem and Hebron, though 
early in the sixteenth century b.c. they were driven 
out of Palestine by Thothmes HI. It is now very 
generall}' agreed that the Amorites were a Semitic 
race, and the existing tablets written in and after 
the fifteenth century by Amorites are in a Semitic 
language like that of the Babylonians. Hittite letters, 
on the other hand, show quite as clearly that this 
race of pigtailed warriors was Mongoloid, and closely 
akin to the Akkadians of Bab3'lonia, whose speech was 
very similar to pure Turkish.^ 

The antiquit}' of Jerusalem seems to be indicated by 
the fact that certain names connected with the city 
cannot be explained as ordinary Hebrew words. 
Jebus, Zion, Hinnom, and Topheth are terms not 
traced to any Hebrew roots, and they have always 
puzzled scholars as much as the name Jerusalem itself 
did until it was shown to be of Amorite origin. Even 
the meaning of Moriah — the name of the Temple 
hill — is doubtfully explained as "vision of Jehovah," 
for the Greek translators understood it to mean " the 
high." - It is, however, connected ^ both with Abra- 
ham's vision of Jehovah, and also perhaps with that 
of David when the "Angel of the Presence" sheathed 
his sword on the Temple hill. Jebus {Ycbus) is per- 
haps Hittite for "strong abode," equivalent to the 
Amorite Uru-Salimu, or "safe city." ^ Zion has been 

' See my volume "The Hittites and Their Language," 1898. Dr. 
Sayce ("The Hittites," 1888) also (p. 14) calls them " Mongoloid." 

- Gen. xxii. 2 (LXX. hupsl'le); in 2 Chr. iii. 2 it is not translated in 
the Greek. In Babylonian mur-iahri would mean " seat of Yahu." 

' Gen. x.xii. 14 (see R.V.) ; possibly to be rendered "in the mount 
Jehovah appears." The LXX. : " In the mount the Lord was seen " 
(see 2 Sam. .xxiv. 16). 

* Akkadian ab (or iib)^ ''abode," its, "strong"; Turkish fi^ and Us. 
Isaiah refers to the meaning of the Semitic name as "a quiet habi- 
tation " (xxxiii. 20). 


supposed to mean a " fortress," but the derivation is 
forced ; as a Hittite word it would rather seem to 
signify a " palace " or " temple." ^ For Hinnom and 
Topheth no Hebrew explanations have been found 
possible, yet both may perhaps be rendered as of 
Canaanite origin: the former would signify " prince " 
{En-iitnn), and the latter "flat" or "low" {tuptii), 
applying to the lowest part of the valley junction on 
the south-east side of the city.^ The " King's Vale " 
may have been the " deep valley of Molech," or it may 
have been equivalent to the older Hinnom (or Ben- 
Hinnom), " the valley of the prince " or of the " prince's 
son." It is remarkable that its modern name {Wddy 
Rabdbeh) appears to mean the ** valley of lordship." 

Whatever be thought as to the meaning of these 
ancient and obscure words, we know that a Hittite 
still lived in Jerusalem in David's time, and his name 
Uriah has no probable meaning in Hebrew. In Hittite 
it was no doubt Ur-ia, " the worshipper of Ya," while 
the Jebusite King Araunah — whose name is so 
variously spelt — was probably knov^ni as Ur-ena, ** the 
worshipper of Baal." ^ Thus the geographical and 
personal names alike seem to indicate the early 
presence of both Amorites and Hittites in Jerusalem. 
Between the time of Abraham and that of Joshua's 
conquest we hear nothing about the city for six 
hundred years. After this we have remarkable 
evidence of its existence as a royal city in the extant 
tablets of the Tell Amarna collection, written to 
the Pharaoh by the Amorite king of Uru-salimu. 

' In Akkadian Si-an is "palace" (in the Behistan dialect), and 
Zt-una, "chief's building" or "God's place." Gesenius compares the 
Arabic sahweh, "fortress," and. sahytln. 

* See Isa. xxx. 33, "deep and large." 

' Araimah (2 Sam. xxiv. 16, 20); Heb. Aranieh in ver. 18 ; Oman 
(i Chr. xxi. 15-28); no doubt originally written with the signs 
UR-AN-EN, which would read either Ur-ena or Ur-nun ; in LXX. 
always Ortia. 


Amcnophis III. of Egypt was the contemporary of 
Rimmon-nirari of Assyria, who reigned about 1500 B.C., 
and Amenophis IV. was the contemporary of Burna- 
burias of Babylon, who acceded about 1440 b.c' 
Palestine, having been conquered by Thothmes III. 
about 1580 B.C., was peacefully ruled by Egypt when 
Amenophis III. acceded to the throne. The population 
appears at this time to have been entirely Semitic, 
no letters in any but the Babylonian language 
occurring among those of its rulers, while the names 
of all the cities mentioned, even in the sixteenth 
century b.c, are also Semitic. The Philistines, like 
the rest of the Canaanites, used the Babylonian 
language and script, and they worshipped the Baby- 
lonian sea-god Dagon, whom 'Ammurabi had adored. 
Their names are also Semitic, not only in the Bible 
but in the Tell Amarna tablets, and in the later 
inscriptions of Sennacherib,^ If any Hittites still 
remained in the south, they were no longer a ruling 
tribe, though in North Syria and Cappadocia they 
were then powerful and independent. The Philis- 
tines were loyal to Egypt, but they do not appear 
to have had any power in the mountains till four 
centuries later, and the loyalty of the Amorite kings 
of Jerusalem and Gezer was much suspected by the 

About the middle of the reign of Amenophis III. 
a rebellion broke out in Syria.-' Hittites and Amorites 

' These synchronisms show that the approximate dates given by 
Briigsch for Amenophis 111. and IV. are correct. The recent discoveries 
of Dr. H. Winckler in Cappadocia also prove that Rameses II. was 
ruling about 1330 B.C., as Brugsch supposed. The later dates given 
by some Egyptologists are based on a fallacious astronomical calcula- 
tion, and do not agree with the known Assyrian and Babylonian dates. 

- Taylor cylinder text. See also my "Tell Amarna Tablets," 2nd 
edit. 1898, pp. 117-20, 193. 

» " Tell Amarna Tablets." pp. 8, 14, 187, 193, 200, 202, 210; Detit- 
schen Orient Gesdhchaft, No. 35, 1908, discoveries of Dr. H. Winckler, 
pp. 33-6. 


invaded Phoenicia, attacked Damascus, and spread in 
Bashan, shortly before the time when Israel appeared 
in Moab according to the Bible chronology. Ameno- 
phis was, however, allied with the Kassite ruler of 
Babylon, and with the Armenian and Cappadocian 
monarchs of the same Mongoloid race. He sent 
soldiers to Gebal, and the Cappadocians subdued the 
Amorites. Some tw^enty years later, Amenophis IV. 
(son of Amenophis III.) having begun his unfortunate 
reign, another more formidable revolt occurred. The 
friendly Armenian king Dusratta had died, and Aziru 
the Amorite had deserted his obedience, allying himself 
with the Hittite suzerain of Cappadocia. The Amorites 
conquered Phoenicia, and Egypt was powerless to aid 
its Syrian subjects. The hatred of the memory of 
Amenophis IV., shown in later times, was perhaps due 
to his loss of the empire rather than to his worship of 
Asiatic gods, who had been adored in Egypt in the 
time of his father also ; for,i like his father, he is 
addressed by the Asiatic kings as a worshipper of the 
Egyptian god Amen, and texts from the Egyptian 
ritual occur on his coffin. 

The six letters written to Egypt by the King of 
Jerusalem do not mention the name of the Pharaoh 
addressed, but, judging from those of other personages 
concerned, they seem to belong to an early period in 
this story of rebellion, though Canaan remained in a 
disturbed condition even as late as 1440 a.d., when 
Burnaburias of Babylon and Assur-uballid of Assyria 
— writing to Amenophis IV, — speak of interrupted 
communications and the robbery of caravans. The 
name of Jerusalem {Uru-sa-limu or U-ru-sa-limii) has 
been read with certainty by Dr. Winckler, but the 
name of the Amorite king is variously rendered. It 
seems, however, to have probably belonged to the 
same class with that of Melchizedek, and of Adonizedek, 

' "Amarna Tablets," pp. 170, 188. 


the king killed by Joshua.' Jerusalem was being 
attacked by a people called 'Abiri or Habiri, who 
destroyed all the Canaanite rulers at Ai, Ajalon, 
Lachish, and other places ; and, since the period is 
that of the Hebrew Conquest under Joshua, according 
to the Bible, it is natural to identify these 'Abiri with 
the Hebrews, as proposed by Dr. Zimmern in Germany. 
It is true that scholars who follow the views of 
Lepsius - and of Brugsch, formed before any notice of 
Israel had been discovered in Egyptian monumental 
texts, have denied this identification. Lepsius argued 
that the city of Ramcses, built by the Hebrews, 
could not have been so named before the time of 
Rameses II.; but as it is noticed even as early as 
the time of Jacob,^ he was obliged to regard this 
allusion as an anachronism, which might equally 
apply to the passage on which he relied. Clearly, 
however, the allusion can only serve to date the age in 
which the story of Joseph, as we now have it, was 
written down together with the narrative of the 
Exodus. The conclusions of Lepsius — who preferred 
the libels of Tacitus, and those with which Josephus 
charges Manetho, to the chronological statements of 
the Bible — are quite destructive to Old Testament 
dates. Rameses, however, was the later name of 
Zoan, the city where the Hebrews dwelt in Egypt, 
while the site of Pithom — the other "store city" 
which they built for the Pharaoh — is still doubtful, 
though supposed by Dr. Naville to be the same as 
that of Succoth. Lepsius called Rameses II. the 
Pharaoh of the Oppression, and Mineptah, his son, 

' The signs used are those for " man," " good," and " do," variously 
rendered Arad-Khi-ba and ' Abd-Tobba, but perhaps better 'Abd-sadak, 
" servant of the just." Cf. Melchi-sedek ("my king is just"), Adoni- 
sedek, "my lord is just." See "Tell Amarna Tablets," pp. 139-51. 

- Lepsius, "Letters from Egypt," 1844, English trans. 1853, pp. 
484 seq. 

' Gen. xlvii. 11 ; Exod. i. ll. 


the Pharaoh of the Exodus, though he ruled two 
centuries later than the time of Joshua. As, however, 
we now have a text by Mineptah, in which he notices 
Israel as being already in Palestine in the fifth year of 
his reign, it is impossible that the Exodus and the 
forty years in the desert could have coincided with 
this period of incipient Egyptian decay. We are left 
free to accept the new monumental evidence, which 
illustrates in so remarkable a manner the historic 
statements of the Book of Joshua. 

Jerusalem was not taken by Joshua, though its 
Amorite king Adonizedek was slain at Makkedah, 
with Japhia, king of Lachish, and three others.^ It 
is remarkable that the Amarna correspondence gives 
us the name Japhia {yap'ad) as that of the con- 
temporary king of Gezer, for Gezer came to the aid 
of Lachish, according to the Bible account. Joshua 
is not named in these tablets, which refer only to a 
certain Elimelech (a Hebrew name^) as one of the 
invaders, but the letters speak of incidents identical 
with those narrated in the story of the Hebrew 
Conquest. The more important passages bearing on 
the history of Jerusalem may be thus rendered : 

"To the King my Lord thus says 'Abd-sadak 
thy servant, at the feet of my Lord the King seven 
times and seven times I bow. What have I done to 
the King my Lord ? They urge on thee that an 
enemy, a sinner, should be seized, that 'Abd-sadak 
has rebelled before the King his Lord. Lo ! as for 
me, no man is my father and none is my friend 
supporting me. They rebel in this place, great King, 
striving with me for my father's house. Why should 
I sin against the King of Kings ? Behold the com- 
plaint, O King my Lord. I say to the governor of 
the King my Lord, ' Why are ye afraid of the 

1 Josh. X. 3. See "Tell Amarna Tablets," p. 137, and Josh. x. 33. 
» Ruth i. 2. 


Hebrews ? ' and they are afraid to go out, so they 
send to the presence of the King my Lord.' Lo ! 1 
say there is ruin of the lands of the King my Lord, 
as they have sent to the King my Lord ; and let the 
King my Lord know. . . . The lands of the suzerain^ 
have revolted, all that Elimelech has wasted, all the 
King's land ; and let the King beware as to his land, 
which I say pleading, and let the King my Lord 
behold the tears, and the warfare that is mighty 
against me ; and I receive nothing from the King 
my Lord, and no order ordered in the presence of 
the King ... as to whether he will order men for 
a garrison. And let the King my Lord learn, and 
regard the tears ; and now arise, O King my Lord. 
Now they have expelled the [Egyptian] governor. 1 
say there is ruin of the lands of the King. Will you 
not hear me ? . . . They have destroyed all the 
rulers : there is not a ruler [left] for the suzerain.^ 
Let the King give countenance to the people : let him 
order soldiers ^ of the King my Lord. There is not 
one in the lands of the King. The Hebrew has 
wasted all the King's lands, since the King's soldiers^ 
were sent away this year : they were sent away from 
the lands of the suzerain.'- Since there was not a 
soldier [left], there was ruin to the lands of the 
King my Lord. O Scribe of the King my Lord, this 
is 'Abd-sadak's plea for soldiers. The lands of the 
King my Lord are ruined." 

This appeal was repeated more than once, but seems 
to have met with no reply, except perhaps a demand 
for hostages to be sent to Egypt (as in the case of 
the king of Gezer also), though this may refer to a 

' Amarna Tablets, No. 102, Berlin Collection: '^ tarayamu . . . amili 

* Sarnt b'elu. 

' Pitatt, an Egyptian word, either from fef, "bow," or pet, " foot" — 
bowmen, or otherwise infantry, and not a chariot force such as is often 
mentioned in the plains, in tlie Amarna letters. 



previous period. Meanwhile, the petty kings allied 
to Jerusalem gathered forces in aid of the city.^ The 
Hebrews, it may be noted, are not mentioned in any 
of the Amarna letters except those from Jerusalem. 

" [Behold] what Milkilu [of Gezer] and Suardatu 
[of Keilah] have done for me as to the land of the 
King my Lord. They have hired soldiers of Gezer, 
soldiers of Gimzo : they have taken Rabbah. The 
King's land has rebelled to the Hebrews ; and now 
as regards the city Jerusalem, the city called Beth 
Baalah ^ has revolted [sending ?] to the city of 
Keilah. Let the King listen to 'Abd-sadak thy servant, 
and order soldiers, and recover the King's land for 
the King : as there were no soldiers the King's land 
has revolted to the Hebrews, who have confounded 
me and Suardatu and Milkilu." 

In this connection it should be noted that Baalah, 
or (as also called) Kirjath-jearim, was one of the 
Hivite cities which did not join the Amorite league, 
but submitted with Gibeon to Joshua. The passage ^ 
which seems to refer to hostages is as follows : 

" Behold the King my Lord has established his law 
from the rising of the sun to the setting of the sun. 
It is false what they have falsely said against me. 
Behold, as for me, am not I a ruler, a man of the 
house of the King my Lord ? Behold I myself am a 
servant of the King, and I have sent tribute to the 
King. As for me, no one helps me, no one is my 
friend, rising for the King. I have remained in this 
Chiefs city.'* ... I have given eight slaves to Suta, 
the King's governor, in charge against me : twenty- 
one women . . . twenty men our prisoners, to remain 
in the hands of Suta, obeying the King my Lord. 

* No. io6, Berlin Collection. 

^ Baalah = Kirjath-jearim (Josh. xv. lo), near which was Rabbah 
(ver. 60). See Josh ix. 17. 
' No. 104, Berlin Collection. , 

* ina B it-ami lla-ftia. 


There is ruin to all the lands of the King that they 
have taken fighting me. From the lands of Seir to 
the city Hareth Carmel they gathered to the rulers, 
and fought me. Now they despise the Commander, 
and the King my Lord does not regard tears as they 
fight against me. Lo ! I remain a ship amid the 
waves. Make ready, great King ; you will march to 
the land of Nahrima and the land of Chezib — and lo ! 
these are fortresses of the King — you will march on 
the Hebrew. There is not a ruler [left] for the King 
my Lord, all are destroyed. Lo ! they have cut off" 
Turbazu in the city Beth-zilu, with Zimrida, lo ! of 
the city of Lachish — slaves wore him out, they did 
him to death. The region of Rimmon bewails 
slaughter ... in the city Zilu there is destruction." 

A later letter,^ referring to four previous messages, 
gives further details of the war : 

"Lo! the land of Gezer, the land of Ashkelon, 
and the land of Lachish have given them corn, wine, 
and all else that they have taken away." " Behold 
this land of the city Jerusalem— no man aids me, no 
tribe supports me, nor has risen to support me. 
Lo! it is done to me as was done to Milkilu, and 
to the sons of Labaya, who have given the King's 
land to the Hebrews. Behold the King my Lord 
will be just to me, for the men are sorcerers [or 
malicious]. Let him ask the governors. Lo ! strong 
and many and committing sin, very proud, they 
demanded property and [threatened] death. . . . You 
will purge the lands in the hands of the city of 
Ashkelon. Let the King ask about them — much 
corn, much oil, much ... to the command of Pauru 
the King's Governor, as far as Jerusalem." " The 
men taking messages for the King they bound — four 
messages sent out by men of the fortress. They 
marched to block the roads. Like a bird in a snare 

' No. 103, Berlin Collection, line 54 on back of the tablet. 


[I remain] : they [spy ?] the city Ajalon. Let me tell 
the King my Lord, I do not speak rashly sending 
about the road for the King my Lord, for it is not 
easy. Lo ! the King has established his law in the 
city Jerusalem for ever, and will not rashly speak of 
the desertion of the lands of Jerusalem. To the scribe 
of the King my Lord thus says thy servant 'Abd- 
sadak. I bow at thy feet, I am thy servant. Render 
the news well to the King my Lord. O scribe of the 
King, I am afflicted, great is my affliction, and you do 
a deed not faithful, against the land of Cush. Hear 
us. Is there not slaughter, and you . . . him, that 
men of the land of Cush are ... in my city ? Let 
it . . . the King to . . . salute the King my Lord 
seven times and seven times for me." 

Another letter, on a different kind of clay, possibly 
refers to a final retreat from Jerusalem,* but it is a 
fragment only. 

"And now the city Jerusalem. Since he w^nt away 
this land is faithful to the King. Lo ! Gaza has re- 
mained to the King. Behold, the city Hareth Carmel 
is Tagi's, and the people in the city 'Aiath- have 
bowed down. He went far away from the fortress ; 
and have we done this ? Lo ! Labaya gave gifts to 
the Hebrews, as Milkilu sent for tribute and the 
young men said, 'Is not this fortress annexed by us ?' 
The men of Keilah gave all they asked ; and have 
we left the city of Jerusalem ? The garrisons 3^ou 
ordered are blockaded by the ravages of this fellow 
whom I fear. Addasi has remained in his fortress 
at Gaza, [sending] the women ... to Egypt. . . . 
To be given to the King." 

The parallelism between the details of this monu- 
mental account and those of the Bible narrative in 
the Book of Joshua, which — in its present form — 

1 No. 199, Berlin Collection. 

2 'Ati, see Isa. x. 28, = Ai. 


appears to have been composed in tlic time of David 
or of Solomon, is very remarkable, and it is certain 
that Jerusalem was a royal city and a strong fortress, 
which at the time when the letters were written had 
not fallen to the 'Abiri or Hebrews, though there 
were signs already that its further defence was be- 
coming impossible. 

From the Book of Judges we learn that after the 
death of Joshua the children of Judah smote Jerusalem, 
and set it on fire. The border between Judah and 
Benjamin ran on the south side of the city, along the 
Valley of Hinnom, and to the head of the Valley of 
Rephaim. The town thus lay in the lot of Benjamin, 
but the conquest was not complete ; for the "children 
of Benjamin did not drive out the Jebusites that 
inhabited Jerusalem, but the Jebusites dwell with the 
children of Benjamin in Jerusalem unto this day "— 
that is, till the time of David at least. Josephus 
thought that the lower city only — perhaps not yet 
protected by a wall — was taken, and that the upper 
city was the Jebusite stronghold ; nor is this an im- 
probable explanation, since the lower city seems — as 
will appear later — to have already existed in David's 
time. In the time of Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron, 
Jebus was regarded as " the city of a stranger that is 
not of the children of Israel," and it even possessed a 
Canaanite king in David's time.^ 

We may endeavour therefore to form some idea 
of the position and extent of Jebusite Jerusalem, It 
was a royal city, a sacred place, and a fortress of 
great strength, the taking of which was one of David's 
greatest exploits. The site indeed seems to have been 
chosen for its strength, which has again and again been 
proved by many long and desperate sieges. The city 
has always been taken from the north, and the upper 

• Josh. XV. 8, .xviii. i6 ; Judg. i. 8, 21, xix. 11, 12, x.x. 28; 2 Sam. 
xxiv. 23 (" Araunah a king"); Joseplius, "Ant.," V. ii. 2, 5, 8. 


city on the south-west hill has always been the last 
quarter to fall. This flat hill, rising 2,500 feet above 
the level of the sea, measures about 600 j-ards east 
and west by 800 yards north and south, thus con- 
taining an area of about 100 acres. Since the fourth 
century a.d. the name Zion has been applied to this 
hill, which is surrounded on all sides by deep valleys 
having steep slopes or precipices — that called Hinnom 
forming a natural fosse which sinks some 400 feet 
below the hill plateau, and defends the hill on the 
west and south, while the Tyropoeon Valley — about 
500 feet wide — sinks on the north to about 150 feet 
below the plateau, and turns south, defending it on 
the east. The hill of Zion is only joined to the 
watershed by a narrow neck, or isthmus, of high 
ground at the north-west corner of the upper city, 
and it required to be defended by a fortress wall at 
this point, which has always been the place attacked 
by besiegers. The lower city lay to the north, in 
the broad Tyropoeon, and was defended by a smaller 
summit, now occupied by the Cathedral of the Holy 
Sepulchre, which rises 2,497 feet above sea-level, and 
bulges out eastwards from the plateau of the Judean 
watershed which runs north, west of Jerusalem. Thus, 
as Josephus says, the city as a whole lay " over 
against the temple in the manner of a theatre " ^ ; for 
the horseshoe shape was caused by the head of the 
Tyropoeon on the north side of the upper city, the 
original form of which has been somewhat obhterated 
by the accumulation of from 40 to 90 feet of rubbish 
under David Street, which leads east to the Temple 
ridge. Yet even now there is a sharp descent east- 
wards along this street, and steep side streets lead up 
southwards thence to Zion.^ 

' Josephus, "Ant.," XV. xi, 5. 

2 The dome of the rotunda of the Holy Sepulchre Cathedral is fixed 
in N. lat. 31° 46' 45", E. long, 35° 13' 25". 


Such, then, was the natural fortress which made the 
capture of Jerusalem so difficult, and which appears 
to have been occupied from the earliest times. The 
temple ridge on the east was 60 feet lower than 
Zion even at its highest point ; and, as this ridge 
became narrower and tailed off towards the south, 
it sank— on the Ophcl spur — to about 200 feet below 
the level of the upper city. The Ophel spur was 
unfit for a fortress, and the part south of the temple 
contained an area of only about 15 acres. It is im- 
possible, therefore, to regard it as having at any time 
been by itself a " city," for the more important cities 
of Palestine were much larger than such a small 
hamlet would have been. Tyre covered 100 acres, 
Caesarea and Samaria about 300 acres each, while even 
Gezer — a town of less importance — included 40 acres 
within the walls. Ophel is not mentioned in history 
till three hundred years after David's time. Nor 
are the remains of caves or cellars on this narrow 
tongue of land apparently of any remote antiquity, 
though some writers have supposed them to be of 
Jebusite origin, and have even called them " neolithic" 
— a term which has no meaning in Palestine, because 
(as in Egypt and in Babylonia) instruments of stone 
and of flint are found at all levels in the excavations, 
and are contemporary with others of bronze and of 
iron. The remains found in connection with these 
caves are of Roman origin, and one of the largest 
of them was a dyeing establishment, in which Byzan- 
tine objects were discovered. There are similar caves 
or cellars on the hill of the upper city, and these 
may be equally late.' 

The rock strata at Jerusalem fall with an inclination 
of about ten degrees south-east from the watershed, 

* Bliss, "Excavations at Jerusalem," 1898, pp. 231-3; Warren, 
"Recovery of Jerusalem,' 1871, pp. 306-8; G. A. Smith, "Jerusa- 
lem," 1907, vol. i. p. 2S4, 


so that the rain-water is carried naturally in this 
direction towards the junction (below Siloam) of the 
Kidron, the Tyropoeon and the Hinnom valleys. The 
town indeed has the appearance of sliding downhill 
towards the south-east, the Ophel spur being the 
lowest of those covered by the city at its time of 
greatest magnitude, when Jerusalem — including the 
30 acres of the Temple enclosure — covered about 
300 acres in all, being half as large again as the 
present city within the Turkish walls. The lowest 
rock stratum, which appears in the low cliffs on the 
east side of the Kidron, is a hard dolomitic limestone, 
impervious and forming the bed for streams which 
sink through the more porous upper limestone. It 
appears again on the watershed to the north-west, 
and is known as the Santa Croce marble, being mottled 
with red, which — on the hillock of the traditional 
Calvary — was regarded as being due to the blood of 
Christ. This formation is of the Greensand period 
geologically, and the stone is known as mczzeh, or 
" superior," in Arabic. Above it lie beds of fine but 
rather soft building stone, belonging to the Lower 
Chalk age, and called in Arabic meleki, or " royal " 
stone.^ In this white limestone the Temple cisterns 
are cut. Another stratum of hard limestone, or mezzeh, 
lies over the meleki, and above this on Olivet is 
the white Upper Chalk, full of ammonites, hippurites, 
and other characteristic shells, with beds of the 
Eocene age, including a capping of nummulitic lime- 
stone. These porous strata are known as k'akuli, 
or " conglomerate," and ndri, or " fire stone." 

This description may be sufficient to account for 
the natural water-supply, which was always most 
abundant on the south-east, where the dolomite 
bed is nearest to the surface in the valleys. The 

• This is the usual explanation, but I have some doubts whether the 
word is not really malakeh, meaning " smooth stone." 


principal spring is in the Kidron, below the steep 
eastern slope of the Ophel spur south of the Temple. 
It rises under the floor of a cave, where there must 
be an underground reservoir in the rock, resembling 
many in the Lebanon and in other limestone regions. 
Towards the end of winter, when the heavy rains 
"have fallen, this reservoir overflows frequently through 
a fissure which acts as a natural syphon, sucking out 
all the water as soon as the reservoir is full. The 
sudden gush — like that of the Sabbatic River in 
Syria — occurs every few hours in early spring, but 
at the interval of several days in autumn. The stream 
originally flowed down the rocky bed of the Kidron, 
which is now filled in to a depth of 30 feet. But 
from early times it would seem that attempts were 
made to carry the water to the foot of the east slope 
of the upper city hill, in order to bring it nearer 
to the fortress. By the time of Hezekiah at least — 
as will be detailed later — a rock tunnel carried the 
waters of the spring to Siloam, or "westwards to 
the city of David." ^ This statement — in consequence 
of the English mistranslation — has become the foun- 
dation of a literary theory according to which the 
city of David was a mere hamlet of 15 acres on 
Ophel, v/hereas in reality it appears to show that 
the stronghold of Jebus lay towards the west. It 
is not impossible that a yet earlier rock-cut channel 
existed, with the same object of conveying the waters 
of this intermittent spring towards the western citadel ; 
and, as the point has some importance in connection 
with the history of the city, the reasons may be 
given more fully. 

Excavations were made in front of the cave in 

' In 1878 I consulted the late Prof. A. B. Davidson as to this trans- 
lation of the sentence in 2 Chron. xxxii. 30, and I retain still his letter 
of December 30, 1878, pronouncing that this is "the natural translation 
of the words." 


which the Kidron spring bursts forth, in the year 
1902, and it was then discovered that a rock tunnel 
leads away towards the south outside the entrance 
to the cave.^ The level of its floor is only 5 feet 
above the water-level at Siloam, and this aqueduct 
unfortunately has not been explored along its whole 
length, nor has it furnished any indications of the 
age in which it was made. It has been thought to 
be part of an old rock channel traced for 600 feet 
northwards from the old pool below the Siloam 
reservoir. This, however, is doubtful, as the channel 
in question rises rapidly, and the levels in consequence 
would oblige us to suppose that pipes must have been 
used, as water does not run uphill in an open channel. ^ 
This Siloam channel was still connected, in 1874, with 
a series of surface channels on the slopes of Ophel, 
which have been quarried away since, but which 
once carried the surface rain-water to the old pool. 

The excavations at the spring showed that a large 
tank or pool probably once existed before the cave. 
The overflow from the cave was also carried away 
by the aqueduct, and perhaps brought round to 
tanks still existing below Siloam south-west of the 
pool. If this work was really ancient, representing 
the " brook that flowed through the midst of the 
earth " ^ even before Hezekiah's tunnel was made, 
it is an argument in favour of the view that the 
upper city of Jerusalem was the original Jebusite 

The earliest reference to any feature of Jerusalem 
topography is the notice of the spring called En-rogel, 
on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin east 

' Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, Jan. 1902, p. 32. 

' The channel starts at the level 2,087 feet above the sea. Bottom 
of Pool of Siloam, 2,081 feet. The channel north of the old pool 
at Siloam is abont 2,120 feet. 

^ 2 Chron. xxxii. 4, 


of the Valley of Hinnom. The meaning of the 
name has been differently conjectured/ but if the 
true rendering be " spring of the water channel," it 
would seem that an aqueduct must have existed at 
En-rogcl when the Book of Joshua was written ; and 
the topographical evidence in that book indicates a 
date earlier than the time of Isaiah and Hezekiah, 
thus favouring the conclusion that the aqueduct in 
front of the cave is ancient. 

En-rogel has, it is true, been placed in quite another 
position. Brocardus, in the thirteenth century, sup- 
posed it to be the well at the junction of the Kidron and 
Hinnom valleys which Christians called " Nehemiah's 
Fountain," in connection with the apocryphal legend 
of a fire fountain which was in Persia and not at 
Jerusalem at all.- The Moslems called it the " Well 
of Job," from a legend of the fountain which sprang 
up when Job stamped on the ground ^ — perhaps con- 
founding Job with Joab, since En-rogel was near 
the " Stone Zoheleth " where Joab proclaimed Adonijah 
king. But a well is not a spring, and Zoheleth is 
supposed by M. Clermont-Ganneau to be the rock 
still called Zahweileh (** the slippery "), close to the 
village of Silwan, and opposite the cave spring already 
described, which is the only spring on this side of 
Jerusalem. Neither Josephus nor any ancient pilgrim 
speaks of the well in question before 1184 a.d., when 
it was cleared out. There is no doubt that this 
well is ancient, but how old it. is not easy to say. 

• "Fountain of the fuller," or " of the spy," with reference to David's 
spies. See Josh, xviii. 16, 2 Sam. xvii. 17. I suggested many years 
ago a comparison with the Arabic rujeileh, " water-channel." Dr. G. A. 
Smith (" Jerusalem," 1908, i. p. 109) takes the same view, and com- 
pares the Syriac rogillo, a " water-channel." 

- 2 Mace. i. 18-36; Brocardus, 1283 a.d. ; Zuallardo, " Dev. Viag.," 
p. 142 ; Robinson, " Bib. Res.," i. p. 332, note 5 ; Warren, " Recov. of 
Jer.," pp. 256-64 ; Wilson, " Ord. Survey Notes," p. 84 ; " Mem. Survey 
West Pal.," Jerusalem vol., pp. 371-5. 

' Koran xxxviii. 40, 41 ; see i Kings i. 9. 


It is now 125 feet deep, and at 113 feet below the 
surface the old well-shaft rises from a rock-cut cave 
below. After the rains, in March, when the Kidron 
is full of water beneath the surface, a stream here 
rises to the surface, and flows down the valley for 
some distance. West of the well is a remarkable 
aqueduct, with another rock reservoir fed by two 
channels. This aqueduct is 90 feet below the rock 
surface, and runs south for 600 yards. It was dis- 
covered by Sir Charles Warren in 1869, and he 
suggests that this may be the " brook that flowed 
through the midst of the earth " which has been 
noticed above. These works were evidently intended 
for the storage of the winter rain waters ; but, on 
the other hand, the description of the tunnel, with 
its flights of steps leading to the water, recalls the 
aqueduct of Caesarea,^ which is certainly not older 
than the time of Herod, and may be considerably 
later. Whatever be the age of these remarkable water- 
works, they have no connection with a " spring," such 
as we must suppose En-rogel to have been. 

The fortress of the upper city was not, however, 
dependent entirely on the natural supply of water 
in the Kidron Valley, or — afterwards — at Siloam. 
Even in the time of Nehemiah another spring existed 
on the west side of Jerusalem, in the upper part of 
the Valley of Hinnom.^ It was called the " Spring 
of the Monster," or, according to the Greek trans- 
lators (who regarded the word as Aramaic), the 
' Spring of the Figs." It appears to have been un- 
known to Josephus, though he speaks of the "Ser- 
pent's Pool" — apparently the present Mamilla reservoir 
which was called the *' Upper Pool " in the time of 
Hezekiah. The "Spring of the Monster" seems to 
have been buried under the rubbish which has partly 

' See my account, " Mem. Survey West. Pal.," ii. pp. 18-23. 
Neh. ii. 13 ; Josephus, " Wars," V. iii. 2, xii. 2. 


filled the Hinnom Valley, but in the Jebusite age 
it no doubt formed a supply on the west side of 
the upper city. It is also possible that the rock-cut 
tank within the city, immediately north of Zion 
(now called the " Patriarch's Bath," or " Hezekiah's 
Pool "), was already ancient in Hezekiah's time, when 
it was known as the " Lower Pool," ^ and that it also 
supplied the original Jebus. There is, in addition to 
these supplies, another probably of great antiquity 
west of the Temple, outside the north-east corner of 
the upper city. This is now known as the Hanimdm 
esh Shefa'^ or " healing bath," and it is connected 
with an ancient rock aqueduct which has been 
partly cut across by the Herodian wall of the Temple 
enclosure. This channel is now 60 feet under ground 
and 20 feet under a pavement which is older than 
the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 a.d. ; it is apparently 
even older than the time of Pompey's siege in 6^^ b.c, 
since a voussoir of the bridge then existing has 
fallen into the aqueduct. The shaft to the " healing 
bath " itself is now 86 feet deep, and — at the bottom — 
a vaulted passage of the Roman or Byzantine age 
leads to the original cave, which has a conduit opening 
out on the south side. The shaft is comparatively 
modern throughout, and the cave must have been 
on the surface in the Jebusite age. It receives the 
drainage of the valley (now filled in by some 40 to 
80 feet of rubbish), which has its head outside the 
Damascus Gate north of the city. This supply was 
carried down the Tyropoeon valley, on the east side 
of the upper city, apparently to Siioam. 

The water-supply has been thus described in detail, 
because it is often assumed that the Jebusite city must 
have depended entirely on the En-rogel spring in the 

' Isa. xxii. 9. See 2 Kings xviii. 17 ; Isa. xxxvi. 2. 
* Sir C. Wilson, " Ord. Survey Notes," p. 85, and PI. xxii. Explored 
October 29, 1864. 


Kidron ravine, which was clearly not the case ; but, 
even if it were so, it would not follow that the Jebusite 
town must have stood on Ophel, for cities in Palestine 
were built on the highest and strongest sites available, 
even if these were not very near the springs. Thus 
at Samaria the springs are a mile away from the 
nearest point of the city wall on the east, and other 
instances might be cited where cities, like Tyre and 
Caesarea, depended on water brought by an aqueduct 
from a distance of some miles. Jerusalem, before the 
time of Pilate, depended entirely for water on the 
rainfall of a comparatively small area east of the Judaean 
watershed ; but, as we have seen, the storage of this 
natural supply in caves and tanks gave a sufficient 
amount of water on each side of the upper city, and 
the various rock channels served to bring this supply 
close under, and within, the city walls. There is there- 
fore no difficulty in supposing that Josephus is right in 
describing the upper city of his own times as having 
been the " mountain top of Zion " captured by David. 
The name Zion was older than David's time. Since 
the fourth century a.d. it has always been applied 
to the hill of the upper city, and it may have been so 
placed in the earliest ages. But in the Bible it is not 
restricted to this position, but appears as a poetical 
name for Jerusalem at large. Josephus never uses 
this name, but speaks of "Jerusalem" instead. Zion 
is mentioned 154 times in the Old Testament, but 
only four passages ^ — all referring to early times — are 

' 2 Sam. V. 7 ; I Kings viii. I ; i Chron. xi. 5 ; 2 Cliron. v. 2. The 
word "Zion" occurs also in poetic passages in 2 Kings xix. 21, 31. 
Outside the historic books it is found thirty-eight times in Psalms, 
forty-seven times in Isaiah, thirty-nine times in Jeremiah, and in 
twenty-four other poetic passages. See especially Ps. ii. 6, ix. 11, 14, 
xlviii. 12, Ixxvi. 2, Ixxxvii. 1,5; Isa. iv. 5, x. 24, 32, xii. 6, xxx. 19, 
xxxiii. 14, 20, Ix. 14; Jer. xxvi. 18, xxxi. 12; Lam. v. 11, 18; i Mace, 
iv. 37, V. 54, vi. 48, 62, vii. 33, x. 11. In I Mace, the word Zion means 
the Holy City, but is not specially restricted to the Temple hill. It is 
mentioned six times only in this book, as cited. 

2ION 47 

in the historical narratives, the large majority of the 
other notices being in Isaiah, Jeremiah, and the 
Psalms. Zion was a city with gates, and a " holy 
hill." It is constantly used as a name equivalent to 
Jerusalem. It had walls and towers and " dwelling- 
places " ; it is " the city of Jehovah, the Zion of the 
Holy One of Israel," a high mountain, and a "city of 
solemnities." It has been thought that, in the Greek 
age, the name applies specially to the Temple hill, 
but the passages cited do not really necessitate this 
conclusion. Ancient names are commonly preserved 
in the poetry of a nation, and Zion was a very ancient 
word, which — as we have seen — may possibly have 
meant a " chief's abode," or a " god's abode," even 
when the Hittites and Amorites still held Jerusalem, 
and when it was the sacred city of Melchizedek, long- 
before the Temple of Jehovah was built on the ridge 
outside, at the threshing floor of Araunah the Jebusite. 
Hence it is in the poetry of the prophets and psalmists 
of Israel that the name Zion occurs; and, though there 
is nothing really wrong in the Christian application of 
the word to the south-western hill, yet the term is only 
vaguely equivalent to the city generally. But there 
is one quarter to which it should not be solely 
applied — namely, the small spur which is called Ophel 
in the Bible. 



From the citadel of Zion the Jebusites looked down 
on David's men arrayed beyond the dividing valley. 
Like many other defenders of a doomed city, they 
mocked their foes, and they set the lame and the 
blind on the wall, " saying, Thou wilt not enter here 
unless thou removest the blind and the lame : mean- 
ing, David cannot enter here. Nevertheless David 
took the hilltop of Zion : it is the city of David. And 
David said that day, Every slayer of the Jebusite will 
also reach by the ravine both the lame and the blind. 
They hate David's self, wherefore they say. Blind and 
lame he will not come into the place. So David 
dwelt on the hilltop, and called it the city of David. 
And David built round about from the Millo and 
inwards." ^ 

The city of David is here identified with the hilltop 
of Zion ; but as Jerusalem grew larger, the term seems 
to have been expanded to include all the Jerusalem 
of David's time, and in later days it was applied to 
the lower city. This term is used forty times in the 
Old Testament, and in four passages it is equivalent 
to Zion." Josephus never uses it except in relating 
David's capture of the citadel. He always, in other 

' 2 Sam. V. 69 ; see LXX. The Greek reads " and his house " for 
'* and inwards." 

* 2 Sam. V. 7 ; I Kings viii. i ; i Chron. xi. 5 ; 2 Chron v. 2, 
osephus, " Ant.," VII. iii. i; " Wars," V. iv. i. 



passages, substitutes the name "Jerusalem." He 
says that David — like all later captors — first took the 
lower city, but that the citadel held out till Joab 
crossed " one of the underlying ravines " (which 
would probably be the Tyropoeon), and " ascended " 
to the citadel itself. He continues that David after- 
wards made buildings in the lower city. He identifies 
the citadel with the upper city of his own time, and 
places the lower city to the north. He is only 
following the Bible account as he understood it, 
hut there is no reason to doubt that he is riaht. 
He was not merely writing his own fancies, for " the 
Millo" had already been long identified, by the Greek 
translators of the Bible, with the Akra or "citadel" 
which defended the lower city.^ We can, of course, 
only conjecture what "the Millo" was, since its 
position and character are not explained in the Bible. 
It was a "filling" of some kind, whether a valley 
filled in with earth or a filling place — perhaps the 
old Jebusite pool cut in rock immediately outside 
the north wall of the citadel. Jewish writers always 
connect it with the lower city, and Solomon " built 
up the Millo, and shut up the breach of the city 
of David his father," or, according to the Greek 
translators, " founded the Akra closing the fence of 
the city of David," or otherwise "made the Akra 
to fence in the fence of the city." Considering that 
the " city of the great king" (or overlord) is described 
as being on the "Hanks of the north," ^ there seems 
to be no improbability in the view taken by Jewish 
writers of early date. There was in Jerusalem, some- 
what later, a place called the Maktesh,^ or " hollow," 
apparently a quarter of the city ; this was probably 
the lower city in the wide Tyropoeon Valley north 
of the citadel, and it is possible that the Millo was 

' Septuagint of 2 Sam. v. 9 ; i Kings xi 27 (i Cliron. xi. 5-8 differs 
in the Greek). - Ps. xlviii. 2. ^ Zepli. i. 11. 


on that narrow isthmus of land to defend which 
the " broad wall," or " wall of the broad place," was 
built.^ The fact that the lower city was first fortified 
by David seems to show that it was only an open 
town, beyond the citadel, in Jebusite times.- 

In the city of David's time were his palace, and 
the place where the Ark was kept in a tent. Here 
also David and many of his successors were buried. 
The civilisation of Babylonia, as then extending to 
Phoenicia, was the model for the new Hebrew 
kingdom, as it had been for the Canaanite even in 
Abraham's time. The " house " of David was built 
by Phoenician artisans, and seems to have been in 
the lower city, below the Temple ridge and Ophel, 
but the great palace of Solomon was outside the 
city of David. The Ark, apparently, was established 
at the original palace, until the Temple was built. ^ 
The royal tombs were perhaps just inside the north 
wall of Jerusalem, as will be explained in speaking 
of the later Hebrew kings. 

The story of David's life is told in one of the most 
vivid and picturesque books of the Old Testament, 
and contains scattered allusions to places at Jerusalem, 
The scribe — perhaps the prophet Nathan^ — does not 
spare his hero in his account of Bathsheba ; but, in 
spite of his crime of passion, the generosity of David's 
character accorded with that ideal which we find 
most admired among free Semitic races, from the 
days of Job to those of Muhammad or of Saladin ; 

' Neh. iii. 8. See LXX., touplatcos. 

3 Some references seem to make the city of David include the lower 
town — see i Kings viii. I, ix. 24 ; 2 Chron. v. 2, viii. 11 ; i Mace. i. 33, 
ii. 31, vii. 32 — but these are of late date. Stairs ascended from near 
.Siloam to the city of David (Neh. iii. 15, xii. 37). 

^ 2 Sam. V. II ; i Kings viii. i, ix. 24; i Chron. xv. 29; 2 Chron. 
V. 2, viii. 1 1. 

^ Wellhausen's views as to a double narrative have nothing con- 
vincing to support them. 


and " whatsoever the king- did pleased all the people." ^ 
His sin met its nemesis when Ahitophel — Bathsheba's 
grandfather* — rose to be a court favourite, and then 
deserted to the rebellious Absalom. His schemes 
soon failed ; but David, looking back to the day when 
Uriah was betrayed to death, must have recognised 
his punishment, and humbly submitted to the rod. 
To save the city, he marched out^ with his faithful 
guards — the old band that followed him to Gath 
in earlier days — and on crossing the Kidron he sent 
back the Ark into the town. By the Anathoth road 
he ascended Olivet, praying on its northern summit, 
and so took the way to the wilderness and to Gilead. 
His faithful spies were hidden in the cave of En-rogel ; 
and after the defeat and death of Absalom we are 
told that this rebel son had erected a " hand," or 
monument, in the " King's Dale," which still remained 
when the chronicle was written, being — as already 
mentioned — perhaps somewhere to the south in the 
Valley of Hinnom, though mediaeval pilgrims thought 
that they had found it at the Greco-Jewish tomb east 
of the Kidron, where — ever since the fifteenth century 
A.D. at least — the Jews have raised heaps of stones, 
each pilgrim casting his pebble at the supposed monu- 
ment of the wicked son. 

David's adventurous life drew towards its end. An 
old man at the age of seventy years, the king was 
nursed by the fair Abishag of Shunem. His fourth son, 
Adonijah — the two eldest having met violent deaths, 
and the third being perhaps also dead — was supported 
by his cousin Joab and by Abiathar the priest. On 
the rock Zoheleth,* beside En-rogel — a precipice 
visible from the upper city — he slew sacrifices, and 

' 2 Sam. iii. 36. 

- 2 Sam. XV. 12, xxiii. 34 ; cf. xi. 3. 

* 2 Sam. XV. 13-30, xvii. 17, xviii. 18. 

* I Kings i. 5-53. The Hebrew eboi means " a rock " as well as "a 
stone" (Gesenius, "Lex."). Gen. xlix. 24; Job xxviii. 3. 


proclaimed himself king. The old lion was roused by 
the news to renew his oath to Bathsheba. Nathan the 
prophet, and Benaiah the commander who had super- 
seded Joab, were sent with the swordsmen and light 
troops — two regiments of guards distinguished like 
those of Assyrian and Egyptian armies — to escort 
Solomon, on the king's mule, " down to Gihon." 
There he was anointed by Zadok the priest, with oil 
brought from the tent in which the Ark still abode ; 
and apparently the choice of the place was due to the 
position of Zoheleth, which was nearly opposite to it 
on the east side of the Kidron ravine, Gihon being 
thus in sight of Adonijah's adherents. The piping of 
pipes, the shouts of the people, and the sound of the 
trumpet were heard by Joab and Adonijah as they 
feasted, and they fled to take sanctuary at the altar. ^ 

It is here assumed that Gihon was another name of 
the spring En-rogel, though this is, of course, not 
absolutely certain. The word means " spouting forth," 
and the title is not applicable to a tank, while it recalls 
the sudden gush of the Kidron spring as already 
described. Gihon lay in a ravine {iiahal\ a term which 
is applied in many passages to the Kidron Valley, as 
contrasted with the gai or gorge of Hinnom. It is 
also described as a " source " {mosa), which word 
4 is used of the Kidron spring in Hezekiah's inscription 
at Siloam. The wall of Ophel, moreover, is said to 
have run " westwards to Gihon in the nahal,'' so that 
it is clear that this " source " was not on the west side 
of Jerusalem.- In the fourteenth century, it is true, 

^ The learned fancy which makes the Cherethites (" hewers ") and 
Pelethites (" swift ones ") — who are otherwise called Kd?i{" stabbers ") 
and "runners" — to have been mercenary Philistines and Carians, has 
no solid foundation in any ancient statement. A " Gittite " was 
a dweller in Gath— like David himself — but not of necessity a Philis- 

^ I Kings i. 33, 38, 45 ; 2 Cliron, xxxiii. 14. The nahal is noticed in 
the latter passage ; and, in 2 Sam. xv. 23, the term applies to the 


the old map of the city shows the " Upper Pool of 
Gihon " (at the Birkct Mamilla), and the " Lower Pool 
of Gihon " (at the Birkct cs Siiltdii), but such pools are 
never mentioned in the Bible, or by Josephus, though 
the misunderstanding survives even nov/. The lower 
of these pools was made by the Germans about 
1 173 A.D., and it is not mentioned by any writer before 
that age. Gihon was not a pool or tank, and the term 
seems most clearly to apply to a source which 
spouted out at intervals in the Kidron ravine, and 
which was otherwise named En-rogel because of 
a water channel down which the stream was led. 

The building of the Temple was Solomon's first 
great work. It stood on the ridge east of the city, 
where the threshing-floor of Araunah was consecrated 
by David's altar. There is no doubt that it was placed 
on the " top of the mountain," ^ and that the site of the 
holy house itself remained unchanged in later times, 
when it was rebuilt by Zerubbabel, and again enlarged 
by the priests in the time of Herod the Great. The 
area of the enclosure was then increased, especially 
on the west, by the banking up of earth supported in 
places on vaults within the great Herodian walls ; but 
the natural site was very restricted. The strata are 
tilted up towards the north-west, so that the ridge 
presents an almost precipitous slope on the west side, 
sinking nearly 200 feet from the level of the Sakhrah, 
or " rock," to the valley in which the west Haram wall 
was built. The eastern slope is less steep, but the 
ridge — which was naturally highest on the north-west 
— is narrow throughout, except in the neighbourhood 
of the Dome of the Rock, which now covers the 

Kidron, as also in i Kings ii. 37, xv. 13 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 6, 12 ; 2 Chron. 
XV'. 16, xxix. 16, XXX. 14; Neh. ii. 15; Jer. xxxi. 40; and probably 
2 Chron. xxxii. 4. Josephus (" Wars," V. iv. 2) calls the Kidron spring 
" Solomon's Pool." 

' Ezek. xliii. 12 ; Micah iv. i. Josephus, " Ant.," V'lII. iii. 9, XI. iv. i ; 
" Wars," V. V. i, to anotatd khthamalon autou. 


Sakhrah. In this part there is a small plateau 
measuring about 200 yards across, and sinking on the 
east and south about 20 feet below the crest of the 
Sakhrah itself. As to this rock site, which forms 
the natural position for a building surrounded by 
courts which were at lower levels, there is no doubt 
at all. The visitor can see the rock for himself on the 
surface to east, south, and north-west of the platform 
on which the Dome of the Rock stands, and the levels 
of this bare rock have been accurately ascertained. 
The Sakhrah rises on its west side about 4 feet 
above the level of the pavement, and slopes gently 
eastwards. On the north-west part of the platform 
the rock is flat, and is found just under the pavement. 
It is just under the floor east of the Sakhrah, within 
the walls of the Dome of the Rock. Its level north 
of the building has been ascertained in the well mouths 
of the two rock tunnels now used as tanks, and also 
in that of a similar excavation to the south-east of 
the Dome. Rock scarps are visible on the north and 
north-east sides of the platform, while on the south- 
east and south-west sides there are vaults in which 
no rock is found at all. These facts I verified by 
descending into the tanks and examining the small 
vaulted chambers under the platform. If the platform 
itself could be removed, there is little doubt that we 
should find beneath it two rocky terraces at two 
levels, that to the east being some 10 feet lower 
than that to the west. 

The Sakhrah itself is the controlling feature, be- 
cause it rises at its crest 8 feet above the average 
level of the surrounding rock terrace. If the Holy 
House was built over the Sakhrah, then the levels 
of the descending courts naturally agree with those 
of the rock site. But if the Temple itself is placed 
to the south or to the west of the Sakhrah, it is 
no longer on the top of the mountain ; and any 


student who draws a section, in accordance with 
the ascertained levels of the rock, will find that he 
has, in these cases, to suppose foundations of masonry 
of at least 30 feet necessary to support the heavy 
walls of the building. On the west the rock is found 
in a cistern mouth, only 100 feet from the Sakhrah, 
but already more than 20 feet lower ; and it descends 
steeply to the foot of the west Haram wall, where 
it is found to be nearly 200 feet lower than the 
Sakhrah crest, which — on these suppositions — would 
be the level of the outer court, since it cannot 
have been left protruding above that level. Thus, 
although to the student who merely considers the 
plan of the building it seems allowable to propose 
any position he prefers, near the Sakhrah, as the 
exact site of the Holy House, we are in reality very 
strictly confined to the conclusion that this sacred 
" rock " was the foundation on which it rose. For 
the later Temple was more than 100 feet long, and 
it is unnatural to suppose that it would have been 
built on the west slope, or on the lower part of the 
small plateau, to the south, and raised up by founda- 
tions of such height as would be needed, when there 
was just room for the Temple and its inner court 
on the higher part of the small plateau. Josephus 
appears to be quite right in saying, not only that 
the Temple was on the "top of the mountain," but 
yet more definitely that " at first the highest flat 
part barely sufficed for the Holy House and the 
altar : for the ground about it was very uneven 
and precipitous." He says that Solomon " built a wall 
on its eastern side," but that " on other parts the 
Holy House stood naked." The west enclosure wall 
was apparently not erected till much later ; and 
although when Pompey besieged Jerusalem there was 
already a bridge from the upper city to the Temple 
ridge, the west side of the hill v/as even then 


"abrupt,"' and not filled up with earth, within the 
rampart, to bring it to a level with the Temple 
courts. " New banks " — according to Josephus — were 
added in later times, and thus " the hill became a 
larger plateau." 

Such practical considerations and historic state- 
ments fully agree with Jewish tradition. No Jeru- 
salem Jew doubts that the Temple stood over the 
Sakhrah " rock," which they identify with that ** Stone 
[or, Rock] of Foundation " which, even in Herod's 
time, was visible in the Holy of Holies, The 
Mishnah was composed in our second century, and 
records the statements of rabbis who had witnessed 
the great destruction of Jerusalem in 70 a.d., and who 
had seen the ruins of the Temple as the Romans 
left them. In the Mishnah we read^ the description 
of the awful Day of Atonement, when — once a year — 
the high-priest, in fear and trembling, entered the 
Holy of Holies, where there was no longer any 
Ark. " When the Ark was removed, a stone was 
there, since the days of the first prophets " (that is, 
of David), "and it was called the 'foundation': it 
was three fingers above the ground, and on it he 
put the censer." 

The Sakhrah is a very remarkable rock cut in 
steps on the west, as though to form the base of 
a wall, and having a cave beneath on the east, with 
a shaft through its roof to the surface. It is also 
said to have another excavation below the floor of 
the cave,^ and this cave was very probably a granary 
originally connected with the threshing-floor, and 
resembling an ancient example near Nazareth.'* To 

» " Ant.," XIV. iv. 2 ; " Wars " V. v. i. 

" Yoma, V. 2. 

' The Bir cl Arwdh, or " Well of Souls." 

' See my account of the rock granary at Yafa, near Nazareth 
(" Mem. West Pal. Survey," i. pp. 353, 354). It is a cave with inner 
chambers, and two tiers of grain wells under the floor. 


identify the rock with the Altar of the Temple is to 
upset the whole section of the building, and the 
altar was of stones, and not of rock. In the fourth 
century we find the Jews wailing at this " Pierced 
Stone," as the site of their Holy House. ^ The 
Moslems have adopted their tradition, and speak of 
the Sakhrah as the foundation of the world, a rock 
of Paradise suspended over the abyss where souls 
dwell till the judgment. The Christians of the Middle 
Ages equally regarded the Dome of the Rock as 
the " Temple of the Lord." The site is one of the 
very few as to which there is a general agreement 
and an unchanging tradition. 

Of the Temple courts we have no full description 
in the Old Testament. The Holy House itself is 
said to have been double the size of the Tabernacle, 
not counting the three tiers of small chambers built 
against the walls. In the details of its architecture 
it recalls the art of Babylonia or of Phoenicia, 
rather than of Egypt, and its masons and artificers 
came from Tyre. The combination of large, well- 
hewn masonry with cedar roofs, and adornment of 
bronze and of gold, carved figures on the wall, and 
sacred Ark within, reminds us not only of the 
temples in Babylon which Nebuchadnezzar describes 
in his inscriptions, but of that famous account, in 
the Akkadian language, which Prince Gudea of Zirgul 
in Chaldea has left us, on his cylinders and statues, 
describing the temple which — perhaps as early as 
2800 B.C. — he adorned with precious metals and with 
cedar wood from Lebanon. We think of the Cherubim 
as many-winged angels, such as Italian artists have 
painted ; but the word Kinibu is written in Assyria 
over a representation of one of those winged bulls 

1 Bordeaux Pilgrim, 333 a.d., ''Sunt ibi et statuae duse Hadriani, et 
non est longe a statuis lapis pertusus, ad quern veniunt Judaei singulis 
annis et unguent cum et lamentant se cum gemitu," etc. 


which, as "guardians," stood in temples, or are 
represented flanking the mystic tree of life, just as 
Solomon's cherubs flanked the palm trees. They were 
not painted, like the figures in the dark interior 
of Egyptian shrines, but carved on the walls in low 
relief, and overlaid with gold. They were seen by 
none save priests, and even to them they were only 
dimly visible in the darkness of a shrine unlighted 
from without, by the glimmer of the seven-branched 
golden lamp. Yet" Solomon — like many later kings 
even down to the seventh century b.c. — disregarded 
the command written on the ancient *' token tablets " 
still stored in the Ark, "Thou shalt not make unto 
thee any graven image"; for besides these carvings 
and the huge olive-wood cherubs which overshadowed 
the older golden guardians of the Ark itself, he 
also placed his bronze laver on the necks of bronze 
bulls, and adorned the steps of his ivory throne 
with lions, after the fashion of Babylonian and 
Phoenician kings. In his old age the princesses 
from Sidon and Moab, and the daughters of the 
Hittites, Ammonites, and Edomites, whom he wedded, 
** turned away his heart after other gods." But even 
in his youth he followed the ways of the Canaanites, 
while seeking to honour Jehovah by a splendid 
shrine. The making of images, in his day as in all 
times, was the sure sign of superstition creeping 
in, to guard against which the commandment of 
Moses was written. 

The description of the Temple need not be further 
detailed,^ as it is clearly understandable in the Bible 
narrative. The buildings included an " inner court," ^ 
and probably, therefore, an outer one as well, but we 
are not told what space these covered, though it has 
been conjectured that the former was double the size 
of that of the Tabernacle, which would mean roughly 

' I Kings vi. 1-35. ? \ Kings vi. 36. 


about 300 feet east and west by 150 feet north and 
south. ^ In late accounts we read of a Court of the 
Priests and of a great court, and there are passing 
allusions to gates, on each side of the enclosure at 
different levels, and to a " higher court" by the " new 
gate." It would seem that there was a west gate 
called that of "Departure" or "Casting Out," in various 
passages, a north gate called " the High Gate of 
Benjamin," a " Foundation Gate," perhaps in the lower 
court, and — in the outer wall, which was that of the 
city itself — a gate where the " guard " or garrison of 
the Temple mustered, by the " Court of the Guard " 
(or " Prison," as rendered in the English). The gate 
of " Runners " (light troops), on the way to the palace 
south of the Temple, was perhaps not the same. The 
king held his court of justice at the High Gate, which 
was " towards the north " ; but another " King's Gate " 
seems to have been on the east side of the outer 
court. All these were swept away when the Temple 
was enlarged and its courts rebuilt by Herod; but 
the general impression is that the Temple courts 
were at first confined to the immediate neighbourhood 
of the plateau surrounding the holy house, and that 
outside them there was only the city wall on the east, 
while on the west the natural slope of the hill remained 
visible, and no wall divided the Sanctuary from the 
city. On the south also the ridge sloped down to 
Ophel, where the great court of the palace extended 
towards the Horse Gate and the Court of the Guard.^ 

* See Exod. xxvii. 9, 12. 

- 2 Chron. iv. 9 ; see 2 Kings xxi. 5. The " Higher Gate " (2 Kings 
XV. 35) is perhaps the " High Gate of Benjamin " (Jer. xx. 2 ; see 
Ezek. ix. 2) ; the Gate Sur (" of departure "), 2 Kings xi. 6, may be 
Shallecheth ("casting out"), i Chron. xxvi. 16, on west ; the " Founda- 
tion" or "Middle" Gate (2 Chron. xxiii. 5 ; Jer. xx.xix. 3), the Gate 
of the "Muster" {Miphkad, Neh. iii. 31) or "Guard" (Neh. xii. 39; 
2 Kings xi. 19, "of Runners"), and the "New Gate of the Higher 
Court" (Jer. xxvi. 10, xxxvi. 10) are doubtfully placed. The "King's 
Gate " (i Chron. ix. 18) was on the east. 


After the Temple the new palace of Solomon was 
built. It was not in the city of David, for " the 
daughter of Pharaoh " remained there " until he had 
made an end of building his own house," and then 
" came up out of the city of David unto her house 
which he had built for her." ^ Thus Josephus is 
apparently right in saying that the queen's house 
" adjoined " that of the king, being in fact the harim 
of the palace. This palace resembled those of 
Assyrian or of Egyptian kings, as well as that of later 
times at Persepolis. It included a main building 
measuring loo cubits by 50 cubits, with cedar pillars 
and a cedar roof. There were also separate halls, 
each 50 by 30 cubits, and two residences, for the king 
and queen, as well as a hall of justice, or throne- 
room, in which was the ivory throne. Round and 
within these buildings there were open courts, besides 
the " Great Court," which apparently included the 
stables for the king's horses, which came in by the 
" Horse Gate " in the city wall, at which gate Queen 
Athaliah, fleeing back from the Temple to her palace, 
was slain : this gate was to the south of the Temple 
courts, as described by Nehemiah. In the latter book 
also we find that the " King's High House " lay on 
Ophel, near the " Water Gate," which was above the 
Gihon spring, and which had a rock shaft leading 
down to the water. In Nehemiah's time this palace 
was called " the house of David," meaning, apparently, 
that of David's family, just as certain royal tombs are 
called — in the same account — " sepulchres of David," 
because certain kings of Judah were there buried ; 
for David would himself evidently not need more than 
one sepulchre. 

• I Kings iii. I, ix. 24 (see vii. 8) ; 2 Chron. viii. il ; Josephus, "Ant," 
VIII. V. 2 (see I Kings vii. 1-12) ; Isa. xxii. 8; "Middle Court," 
2 Kings XX. 4 ; the "throne," I Kings x. 18 ; " Great Court," i Kings 
vii. 9 ; "Horse Gate," 2 Kings xi. 16; 2 Chron. xxiii. 15; Neh. iii. 
25, 28 ; " High House," Neh. iii. 25 ; " House of David," Neh. xii. 37. 


The description is not sufficiently detailed to allow 
of any plan of these buildings being drawn,^ but — 
including the courts — it is clear from the dimensions 
that the palace covered the greater part of the little 
Ophel spur, which became the royal quarter, where 
also — in later times at least— the high-priest had his 
house, and where the Nethinim lived. Moreover, the 
" king's garden " was in the Tyropoeon Valley, near 
Siloam, and in or near it were the "king's wine- 
presses," which are noticed as marking the south 
limit of the later city. The city of David was no 
doubt densely crowded, and there was no room in it 
for a new palace. This was, moreover, placed close 
to the Temple for convenience in attending the 
daily services. In later times Ezekiel denounces the 
proximity of the dwelling of idolatrous kings to 
the Temple of Jehovah, and the building of a wall 
of separation, as well as the burial of the kings inside 
the city.^ 

The latest buildings of Solomon were shrines in 
honour of foreign gods, including Ashtoreth, Milcom, 
Chemosh, and Molech.^ The three former were on 
" the hill facing Jerusalem " ; the last named was no 
doubt at Topheth, in the valley which was devoted 
to the worship of this savage deity. They are again 
noticed in the time of Josiah, nearly four centuries 
later, and (except Molech) stood on " the Mount of 
Corruption" (or, more correctly, of "anointing"), 
which was apparently the Mount of Olives. A much- 
defaced Phcenician text, found by M. Clermont-Ganneau 
at the village of Silwan, contains the words " Beth- 

' Stade's plan, given by Dr. G. A. Smitli ("Jerusalem," vol. ii. p. 59), 
is purely conjectural, and the Temple is wrongly placed on the west 
slope ot the hill. 

^ 2 Kings .XXV. 4; Neh. iii. 15 ; Jer. xxxix. 4; see 2 Kings xxi. 18, 
26 ; Zech. xiv. 10 ; Ezek. xliii. 8: see LXX., "in the midst," for "in 
high places." 

' I Kings xi. 5, 7 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 10, 13; Isa. xxx. 33. 


Baal," and has been supposed to be possibly connected 
with one of these shrines. 

The prosperity of Jerusalem declined on the death 
of Solomon, when the kingdom was divided ; and 
five years later the city was sacked b}^ Shishak — the 
first king of the twenty-second Egyptian dynasty^ 
about 960 B.C. Topographical details are, however, 
very scanty, though Jehoash of Israel (about 820 B.C.), 
attacking Amaziah of Judah, is said to have broken 
down the wall from the Gate of Ephraim (which 
would be on the north) to the Corner Gate (which 
was pretty clearly at the north-west corner of the 
upper city), a distance of 400 cubits. He thus made 
his assault, as usual, on the weakest point in the forti- 
fications.^ He again carried off" the treasures of the 
Temple and of the palace. The next king of Judah, 
Azariah (otherwise Uzziah), strengthened this point 
by building towers at the Gate of the Cjorner and at 
the Gate of the Gai — a term used exclusively of the 
Hinnom Valley. Both these gates— as will appear 
later — were near the isthmus which exists inside the 
present Jaffa Gate ; and the towers were the prede- 
cessors of Herod's " royal towers," which defended 
the upper city at this neck of high ground. Uzziah 
is also said to have placed engines — no doubt like 
those of the Assyrian bas-reliefs — on the walls. - 

Jotham (about 745 B.C.) is the first Hebrew king 
who is said to have built a wall on Ophel,^ though 
he may merely have made it stronger, as it possibly 
formed part of Solomon's wall round Jerusalem, 
including the Temple and the palace. He was no 
doubt alarmed at the progress which was then being- 
made by the Assyrians in the conquest of Syria. His 
successor, Ahaz, was attacked by Pekah of Israel and 

' 2 Kings xiv. 13 ; 2 Chron. xxv. 23. 

* 2 Chron. xxvi. 15, 20. 

* 2 Chron. xxvii. 3. 


Rezin of Damascus some ten years later, though they 
failed to take the city.^ We have some details of 
interest as to the water-supply of Jerusalem at this 
time, before the great works of Hezekiah were carried 
out - ; for, in connection with this attack, Isaiah notices 
the " conduit of the upper pool," and the " waters of 
Shiloah that go secretly " ; he speaks also rather later 
of the " collection of the waters of the lower pool," 
and of the " place where the waters of the old pool 
flowed together between the two walls." Whether 
we are to understand that the Siloam tunnel was 
begun as early as the time of Ahaz, or that the older 
conduit — already described — was then made, there is 
apparently no connection between the secret water- 
supply of Shiloah and the other pools noticed by 
Isaiah. It is certain that the Upper Pool must have 
been on the west side of the city, since it was there 
that the Assyrians appeared in 703 b.c, and the site 
of the Assyrian camp was still pointed out as late 
as 70 A.D. in this direction.^ The conduit from this 
pool to the " lower pool " was no doubt that which 
also existed in the time of Herod, and which still 
carries water to the so-called " Pool of the Bath " or 
'* of Hezekiah." The last named may very well be 
regarded as the '* Old Pool," being " between the two 
walls " — that is to say, inside the wall of the lower 
city and outside that of the upper city. This important 
reservoir, which was "old " even in the time of Isaiah, 
thus seems to have been possibly of the Jebusite age. 
The work of Ahaz consisted in forming an upper 
reservoir (now called Birket Mdmilla) to supply the 
old pool by a conduit leading into the city. 

The fall of Damascus to Tiglath-pileser, in 732 b.c, 
caused general consternation in Palestine. Ahaz had 

^ Isa. vii. I. 

* Isa. vii. 3, viii. 6, xxii. g, 1 1, xxxvi. 2 

' Josephus, " Wars," V. xii. 2. 


already asked aid of the Assyrian against Israel and 
the Syrians, and he now hasted to offer tribute to 
the conqueror, whose troops were overrunning 
Gilead and Galilee, and raided even to Philistia. 
On the occasion of his visit to Damascus, Ahaz is 
said to have seen an altar on which he sacrificed, and 
a copy of which he introduced into the Temple at 
Jerusalem, displacing Solomon's bronze altar which 
he reserved " to inquire by." ^ There appears to have 
been a "covered place" in the Temple adorned with 
gold or silver, as was also the " king's entry," and 
these were now stripped to pay Tiglath-pileser.- Ten 
years later Samaria was captured by Sargon, and it 
was then perhaps — or in 711 b.c, when Sargon cap- 
tured Ashdod — that the Assyrian outposts appeared 
at Nob near Mizpeh, where the most distant glimpse 
of Jerusalem is caught from the north. ^ 

Ahaz had been succeeded by Hezekiah six years 
before the fall — in 722 b.c. — of Samaria. Preparations 
for a siege, such as might now be expected, continued 
to be made at Jerusalem. The older account merely 
tells us that Hezekiah " made a pool and a conduit, 
and brought water into the city " ; the later independent 
statement says that besides adding a new outer wall, 
and repairing " the Millo in the city of David," he 
stopped all the fountains and " the brook that flowed 
through the midst of the ground," and moreover 
" dammed the source of the waters of the Upper Gihon, 
and made it straight below, westwards to [or, for] the 
city of David." ^ Whether this was a completion and 
improvement of the Siloam tunnel begun by Ahaz, or 
a new tunnel to supersede the older one which may 
perhaps have already led from the Kidron spring, is 
not clear ; but the characters in which the Siloam 

' 2 Kings xvi. 10-16. - 2 Kings xvi. 181 

^ Now Tell en Nasbeh ; see Isa. x. 32, xx. i. 
■• 2 Kings xx. 20; 2 Chron. xxxii. 4, 5, 30. 


inscription — recording the making of the tunnel— are 
written seem to be nearest to those found on Phoenician 
weights, iii Assyria, which are rather later than the 
time of Ahaz. This inscription is the oldest of 
Jerusalem monuments as yet found, and is indeed the 
oldest purely Hebrew text known. It is of great 
importance as showing the civilisation of Hezekiah's 
age, which, however, is equally attested by the historic 
cylinder of Sennacherib. 

The present Pool of Siloam has been found (by 
Dr. Guthe in 1881) to be much narrower than that 
which was probably first cut by Hezekiah in con- 
nection with his tunnel, which perhaps required the 
reservoir to be deeper than the older pool there 
existing. The pool thus became 30 feet deep and 
60 feet square,' having a flat walk on each side about 
7 feet wide. The tunnel from the Gihon spring is a 
third of a mile long, and it was begun from both 
ends. The spring and the pool lie in a south-west 
direction respectively, but the tunnel winds, and the 
lower part runs west, either because some soft stratum 
of rock was followed, or more probably because, 
working in the dark, the direction was lost till a 
shaft, 30 feet high, was driven down from the surface, 
and the correct direction recovered. At the spring 
a short passage was driven in west, from the back 
of the cave, and from this the main tunnel (1,707 feet 
long) began. Here also it is first cut in the wrong 
direction, westwards, and then bends round south ; 
and here also a great shaft (discovered by Sir Charles 
Warren), with a rocky stairway, was carried down 
from the surface of Ophel. This no doubt marks the 
site of the " Water Gate " ; and access to the spring 
from within the city wall was so attainable, which 
may be what is intended by " brought water into 

' The level of the bottom is 2,080 feet above sea-level, or 7 feet lower 
than that of the commencement of the tunnel. 


the city." Finally, when the two parties of miners 
heard each other calling, a short cross-cut was made 
east -and west. This point I examined in 1881, and 
found that each of the tunnels had been abruptly 
stopped where this cross-cut (about 4 feet long) occurs. 
It seems also to have been then found that the tunnel 
was not at a sufficiently low level in its southern 
part, and that the water would not flow freely, which 
would account for the Siloam end of the tunnel being 
much more lofty than the part nearer the spring, 
the floor level having been cut down.* 

The famous inscription was carved on the east 
side of the tunnel near its mouth, in ancient characters 
of the alphabet of Hezekiah's age, presenting some 
minor peculiarities which became distinctive of the 
script of Israel. It was discovered in 1880 by a 
Jewish boy, and was reported by Herr Schick, and 
visited by Dr. Sayce. The first correct copy pub- 
lished was taken from my squeeze, and an excellent 
copy was almost simultaneously published by Dr. 
Guthe, through whose courtesy I had been enabled 
to work with ease in the tunnel. A cast was also 
fortunately made, for the text was afterwards cut 
out of the rock by a Greek villain, who was duly 
punished. Unfortunately, though now preserved in 
the Museum of Constantinople, this valuable inscrip- 
tion has been broken and damaged. When first found, 
the letters were full of lime deposit, which Dr. Guthe 
removed with hydrochloric acid without injuring 
the stone, and a true copy could not be made till 
this was done. The text may be thus translated, the 
ends of the lines being injured, when first found, by 
the scaling off of the rock. 

(i) "The tunnel, and this is the method of the 
tunnel : while (the miners) raised 

See my report, "Men.. West. Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., 1883, 
PP •345-65- The inscription was copied by meon^July 15, 1881. 


4' ^ 

^^ ^ ^ a 

t ^ 

^ ^ 




X ^ 











(2) the pick each towards his fellow, and while 

yet three cubits were . , . the voice of one 

(3) to his fellow, for there was an excess in the 

rock to the right . . . they struck to the 

(4) in the tunnel : they hewed this cutting each 

towards his fellow, pick to pick, and flowed 

(5) the waters from the source to the pool for two 

hundred and one thousand cubits, 

(6) and ... a cubit was the height of the rock at 

the top of this cutting." 

The hewing to the right hand in both the excava- 
tions was what actuall}^ occurred. The measurement 
— in round numbers — of 1,200 cubits gives us roughly 
a cubit of 17 inches, but the "three cubits" gives us 
more exactly a cubit of 16 inches, which appears to 
have been that used by Hebrew masons.' 

This remarkable engineering work had perhaps 
not long been finished when, in the third year of 
his reign, Sennacherib invaded Philistia in 703 b.c, 
and sent his Tartan or " general," his Rabsaris or 
"chief eunuch," and his Rabshakeh or "chief head- 
man " from Lachish " with a great host against 
Jerusalem." The curled and oiled Assyrian mockers 
stood beneath the wall, beside the "conduit" at the 
west gate, and parleyed in Hebrew with the men 
above. The Hebrew politicians were much divided 
in opinion, whether to submit to Assyria or to seek 
aid from Egypt. Isaiah alone seems to have relied 
on the help of Jehovah in that hour of danger, which 
passed away when misfortune overtook Sennacherib 
on the borders of Egypt. In his own boastful in- 
scription''^ the invader gives us no reason why the 

' See my article " Weights and Measures " in " Murray's Bible 
Dictionary," 1908, p. 944, for details. 
* Taylor cylinder; 2 Kings xviii, 17. 


city escaped, though it appears from his account, as 
well as from the Bible, that Hezekiah had already 
ofifered tribute. " As for this Hezekiah," says Senna- 
cherib, " he shut himself up, like a bird in a snare, 
in Jerusalem, his royal city. He raised forts for 
himself. He was forced to close the gates of his 
city." ^ But no siege or capture is recorded, and it 
is only claimed that the priests and warriors of the 
city subsequently sent tribute, and Hezekiah large 
presents, including gems, slaves, and an ivory throne. 
Never again, apparently, did Sennacherib attempt 
the conquest of Jerusalem : he " went and returned 
and dwelt at Nineveh," and was bus}^ fighting in 
Babylonia and Elam till his murder about 68 1 B.C. 

Manasseh succeeded his father Hezekiah in 699 B.C., 
and was also a tributary of Assyrian kings ; of him it 
is recorded - that he " built a wall outside the city of 
David, westwards to Gihon in the valley, and to the 
entrance of the Fish Gate, and surrounded Ophel and 
raised it very high." This apparently refers to the 
line of the Ophel wall, which, in later times at least, 
ran south-west from the corner by the Horse Gate, 
for about 250 yards, to the Water Gate above the 
Kidron spring. The Fish Gate, as will appear later, 
was on the north side of the city. 

Manasseh was not buried with his fathers, but in 
the palace garden near Siloam, where also, in the 
" field of burial," the leper Uzziah had probabl}' been 
buried, and perhaps Ahaz also. This cemetery is 
afterwards noticed as the " sepulchres of David," but 
we may now inquire where the seven kings who were 
buried, " in " or " at " the city of David, with David 
himself and Solomon, were most probably entombed ; 

' 2 Kings, xviii. 14. The Assyrian reads: Sasu kima issiiri kuuppi 
kif-ib all Uriisalimmu alu sarnitistc esir-su : khalsi ilisu nrakisma, asie 
ahulli ali-su utirra ikkibus, etc. 

* 2 Chron. xxxiii. 14. 


for the site was clearly not the same,^ and was either 
within or close to the old city of David's time. The 
seven later kings buried " with their fathers " were 
Rehoboam, Abijah, Jehoshaphat, Amaziah, Jotham, 
Hezekiah, and Josiah, and of these Hezekiah is said to 
have been laid in the " upper chamber " {m'aalnh) of 
the tomb, which was still known in the time of Herod, 
and yet later in that of the apostles.^ Josephus gives 
a remarkable account of this tomb, which was opened 
by John Hyrcanus in 134 B.C., and " another room " by 
Herod yet later, in search of treasure. He says that 
the latter " did not come to the coffins of the kings 
themselves, for their bodies were buried underground 
so artfully that they did not appear even to those that 
entered into their monument." The sepulchre was 
evidently one of the kind used by the Hebrews, and 
by the Phoenicians, with kokim, or " tunnels " — one 
for each body — running in lengthwise from the sides 
of the chamber. But it had the peculiarity that some 
at least of these were under the floor, as in the earlier 
Phoenician examples — an arrangement which is not 
usual in Hebrew tombs ; while the mention of an 
" upper chamber," in which Hezekiah was buried, 
shows that a second tier, on the ground level, was 
excavated for later kings thought worthy to rest with 
David and Solomon who lay below. There is only 
one known ancient sepulchre at Jerusalem, in the city 
of David, to which this account applies — namely, the 
tomb in the west apse of the Church of the Holy 

' 2 Chron. xvi. 14, xxvi. 23, xxviii. 27, xxxiii. 20; Neli. iii. 16. See 
for the suggested tomb of David my "Handbook to the Bible," 1879 
(3rd edit. 1882, p. 341). Rev. Selah Merrill has recently adopted this 
suggestion : " Anct. Jer.," 1908, p. 258. 

* 2 Chron. xxxii. 33 ; Tos\\>hia, Baba Bai/ira, c\\.'\.\ ]ose\>h\xs, "Ant.," 
VII. XV. 3, XIII. viii. 4, XVI. vii. i. The kings elsewhere buried were 
Asa, Jehoram, Uzziah, Ahaziah, Joasii, Ahaz, and Manassch. See 
Acts ii. 29. The Mishnah {Baba Bathra, ii. 9) says that tombs should 
be 50 cubits outside the city, but the Tosiphta says that those of the 
family of Davi4 were inside it. 


Sepulchre,^ traditionally containing the graves of 
Joseph of Arimathasa and of Nicodemus. A wall has 
been built across it, but it appears to have had 
originally nine kokim graves, of which six are on the 
ground level, while three (on the south) are under 
the floor, together with a pit "- probably used for the 
purpose of funereal deposits, such as Josephus says 
were taken out by Herod, including " vessels of gold 
and precious things." The mouths of the kokim 
were originally closed by slabs, and, if these were like 
others which I have myself removed, it would be 
possible to enter the chamber without knowing — till 
very closely examined — that there were any kokim 
behind them, while those under the floor would be 
even less suspected. The remarkable correspondence 
between the statements above noticed — in the Bible 
and in the accounts by Josephus — seems to make it 
highly probable that we have here, still existing, the 
tombs of the more famous kings. Whether they were 
just inside or just outside the north wall of the city of 
David is perhaps uncertain, but that they were visible 
in a low scarp, facing east, even later than Herod's 
time, seems to be clear. This tomb of David was 
distinct from the cemetery in the garden of the palace 
near Siloam, which has not as yet been found, but to 
which the term " field of burial belonging to the 
kings " seems to be first applied in speaking of Uzziah, 
"for they said, He is a leper." ^ The above suggestion 
has met with acceptance by several writers since I 
first made it thirty years ago, but it unfortunately 
leaves us without hope of recovering either the 
treasures which were abstracted by Hyrcanus and 
Herod, or the bodies of the kings, which, if they 
had not crumbled away, appear to have been 

' "Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., 1883, pp. 319-31 

- This pit is too short to have been a grave. 

' 2 Chron. xxvi. 23. This tomb is again noticed in chap. x. 


removed by later dcsecrators of this very ancient 

Passing on to the history of the capture of Jerusalem 
by Nebuchadnezzar, it may be noted that the empire 
of Ass^'ria collapsed suddenly on the death of Assur- 
bani-pal in 626 B.C. He was a very remarkable ruler 
who imitated 'Ammurabi by concentrating in his own 
hands even the most minute details of government. 
We possess his political letters, which give us a high 
opinion of his justice and courtesy. On his death, 
Nabopolassar, governor of Babylon, became in- 
dependent, and about 610 b.c, he took Nineveh in 
alliance with the Medes. He died apparently in 
608 B.C., when his son Nebuchadnezzar became king 
of Babylonia in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, king of 
Judah. This new race of Babylonian monarchs was 
apparently native to the city, for Nabopolassar says in 
a recently discovered text : ** I and the chief rulers of 
the great city have purified Babylon where we dwell 
— our land which the oppressor seized — to establish 
in its midst the throne of righteousness." ^ He refers 
to Nebuchadnezzar as his eldest son, the " delight of 
his heart," " upholding the dominion faithfully and 
gloriously with my hosts." The first attack on Pales- 
tine was made by Nebuchadnezzar as prince, after the 
defeat of Necho the Pharaoh at Carchemish. The 
latter had aided the attack on Nineveh, but the allies 
soon quarrelled. Josiah had been slain by Necho in 
612 B.C., and Nebuchadnezzar was obliged to hurry 
back from Palestine on his father's death four years 
later ; but the respite was short, and Jerusalem fell to 
the Babylonians about 590 b.c. 

We do not as yet possess any monumental account 
of Nebuchadnezzar's campaigns in Palestine, though 
he has left rock texts in Lebanon and near Beirut. 
These record his piety in erecting temples, but one 

' Hilprecht, " Nippur Memoir," I. i. plate 32. 


recently found attests his widespread conquests/ 
for, speaking of contributions to a temple, he says : 
" I gathered revenues from all peoples of mankind, 
from the upper sea to the lower sea, from distant lands 
of widespread peoples of mankind, kings ruling the 
mountains and the sea coast. . . . Princes of the land 
of the Hittites, near the Euphrates on the west — for 
by command of Merodach my lord I had swallowed 
up their power — were made to bring strong beams 
from Mount Lebanon to my city Babylon." 

There are many passing allusions in the Book of 
Jeremiah to the Jerusalem of this age.^ When the 
city fell, in the eleventh year of Zedekiah, the men 
of war fled towards Jericho by night, " by the way of 
the gate between two walls which is by the king's 
garden." This gate, as we shall see later, was at the 
recess above Siloam where the wall crossed the 
Tyropoeon Valley at a re-entering angle. The whole 
city was then burned, and its treasures carried away, 
with its chiefs, priests, and all but the " poor of the 
land, vine-dressers and husbandmen." Jerusalem 
had become a pagan city, full of ugly little statues 
of Ashtoreth, and of Baal shrines at each street 
corner; for "according to the number of the streets 
of Jerusalem have ye set up altars to Bosheth, altars 
to burn incense to Baal." ^ The ancient human 

' Hilprecht, " Nippur Memoir," I. i. plate 34. This translation of 
these two texts is from the original. 

* 2 Kings XXV. 2, 12; Jer. xxxii, i. 

^ Jer. xi. 13. It is very doubtful whether Bosheth means " shame." 
Jeremiah refers to Topheth (vii. 32, xix. 6), to the tower Hananeel 
and the Corner Gate (xxxi. 38), to Gareb ("the plantation") and Goath 
(ver. 39), to the valley of dead bodies and ashes, and the "enclosures" of 
Kidron, with the "corner of the Horse Gate" (ver. 40), to the "East 
Gate" or " Pottery Gate" (xix. 2), and to " the graves of the common 
people " (xxvi. 23), as well as the " Higher Court " and " New Gate" of 
the Temple (xxxvi 10), and the " Gate of Benjamin" (xxxvii. 13) 
already noticed. See also Ezek. viii. 3 ; Joel iii. 2; Zech. xiv. 10. 
There was also a baker's bazaar in Jerusalem (Jer. xxxvii. 21). 


sacrifices, offered to Molech, continued to be cele- 
brated in the Valley of Topheth as in Isaiah's time. 
The city in extent was the same which Nehemiah 
found in ruins, and its ancient walls were then merely 
rebuilt, but a more detailed account of this topography 
will be conveniently deferred till the next chapter, 
in which the work of Nehemiah's time is to be 



The seventy years of Babylonian oppression reckon 
from the accession of Nebuchadnezzar to the first 
year of Cyrus in 538 b.c, when the cruel policy of 
transplanting the population of the empire was 
abandoned, and the Jews were permitted to return 
to Jerusalem. We do not as yet know what the 
religious beliefs of Cyrus may have been. A Baby- 
lonian text represents him to have been a worshipper 
of Babylonian gods. The first known monumental 
notice of Ahuramazda, the Persian " All-wise Being," 
occurs in the famous texts of Darius I. This deity 
was regarded by him as the maker of heaven and 
earth, and the Hebrews — speaking to Persian kings — 
made use of the title "god of heaven," which would 
be understood by Persians as referring to the deity 
they themselves adored.' The first Persian kings 
were famed for their justice and tolerance, and 
Darius I. not only permitted the building of the 
Jerusalem Temple, but equally permitted the restora- 
tion of the temple of the goddess Neith, which 
Cambyses had respected, but which had fallen into 
ruin. He sent an Egyptian priest from Persia to 

' This term elaJi (or elohi) liash-shemim is distinctive of the age 
after the return from the captivity (Ezra v. ii, vi. 9, 10, vii. 12, 21, 
23 ; Neh. i. 4, 5, ii. 4, 20; Dan. ii. 18, 19, 28, 37, 44); it never occurs 
in any of those passages in the Pentateuch which some critical writers 
assign to this later age. 



carry out this work, just as his descendant sent Ezra 
and Nehemiah to Jerusalem. It has also quite 
recently been discovered that Darius II. was memori- 
alised, by Jewish priests in Egypt, to permit the 
restoration of a house of Jehovah at Elephantine, 
which was built before Cambyses conquered Egypt 
in 529 B.C. In this Aramaic petition the title " god 
of heaven" is used as meaning Jehovah, just as in 
the Bible, and the ancient spelling of the divine name 
as laliH is preserved just as it occurs in the text of 
Sennacherib, and on early Hebrew signet-rings. The 
letter, moreover, mentions Delaya and Shelemya, the 
sons of Sanballat, *' governor of Samaria," side by 
side with the Persian officials Bagohi and Arshama, 
thus serving to show that Ezra and Nehemiah lived 
in the time of Artaxerxes I.^ We see from such 
records that the restoration of the Jews was part of 
the settled policy of the Persian kings in dealing with 
their foreign subjects. 

Zerubbabel began the rebuilding of the Temple in 
536 B.C. The old men " that had seen the first house, 
when the foundation of this house was laid before 
their eyes wept with a loud voice, and many shouted 
for joy." Haggai the prophet, who urged on this 
work, says, " Who is left among you that saw this 
house in her first glory, and how do ye see it now ? 
is it not in your eyes in comparison to it as nothing ? " ^ 
We may conclude that it was but an humble edifice, 
without any of the adornment with precious metals 
and carvings that had existed in Solomon's Temple. 
But it stood on the old site, and probably followed 
the old dimensions. The building was suspended in 
the time of Cambyses, and resumed in 520 b.c, after 

' Brugsch, " Hist. Egt.," ii. pp. 294-96 ; Prof. H. Gunkel, Deutsche 
Rundschau, January 1908. Sanballat {" Sinxx has given life"), Delaya 
("set free by Ya "), and Shelemya ("friend of Ya"), are Semitic and 
apparently Babylonian names. 

'-' Ezra iii. 12 ; Hag. ii. 3. 


the accession of Darius I., being completed four years 
later. Ezra arrived in 459 b.c. — the seventh year of 
Artaxerxes I. — and brought with him vessels and 
treasures granted by the king. But it appears that 
the city walls still remained in ruins, till Nehemiah 
was made governor of Jerusalem fifteen years later. 
On his departure, in 433 b.c, the enemies of the Jews 
renewed their activity.^ They had already obstructed 
the building of the Temple in the time of Xerxes, and 
had given much trouble to the patriotic Nehemiah. 
Rehum the " master of edicts " and Shimshai the 
scribe complain to Artaxerxes I. that the Jews have 
come to Jerusalem, " building the rebellious and bad 
city, and have set up the walls and joined the 
foundations." They obtained a decree *' that this city 
be not builded," which remained in force for nine 
years. All work on the Temple was also suspended 
for the same period, or to the second year of Darius II., 
which was 423 e.g. This monarch was apparently a 
degenerate descendant of his great ancestors, and his 
reign was troubled by many intrigues, assassinations, 
and rebellions. But the Persians had by this time 
intermarried with the Babylonians and other Semitic 
races,^ and he appears to have been regarded as a 
friend by the Jews in Palestine and in Egypt alike. 
The great satraps of the western provinces were, 
however, almost independent rulers, and the letter 
of Yedonya — the Jewish priest in Egypt above noticed 
— was addressed to " my Lord Bagohi of Judah," the 
Persian governor of Judea a generation later than 
Sanballat, the Babylonian " governor of Samaria." 
Darius II. may have desired to control the power of 
such Persian satraps by his protection of Semitic 

' Ezra iv. 6, 8, 12, 21, 24. 

- Hilprecht, in his " Nippur Memoirs " (vol. ix. pp. 27, 28), gives 
instances of Persians with Babylonian wives as early as the reign of 
Artaxerxes I., together with many names of Hebrews who were 
residing in Babylonia, 


subjects, and the power of the Semitic race in his 
age is witnessed by the coins of the satraps in Asia 
Minor inscribed in Aramaic' 

The book of Nehemiah contains the fullest account 
of Jerusalem topography to be found in the Bible, and 
casts light on the condition of the city in earlier times, 
since his work consisted in rebuilding the walls which 
appear to have stood in ruins, for nearly a century 
and a half, since their destruction by Nebuchadnezzar. 
On arrival, in 444 b.c, Nehemiah's abode was estab- 
lished in the " seat of the governor on this side the 
river" (Euphrates),^ which seems to have been a house 
on the west side of the lower city. Thence he went 
out by night to view the walls ^ ; and, leaving the city 
by the " Gate of the Gail' somewhere near the present 
Jaffa Gate, he found the walls of the upper city broken 
down as far as the Dung Gate at the south-west 
corner, and the gates burned with fire. Thence he 
crossed over the hill eastwards,^ and reached the 
"Gate of the Spring " near the '* King's Pool." There 
is no doubt that the latter is the Pool of Siloam, 
which — though only a tank — is called a "spring" by 
Josephus also, because it was fed by spring water 
through the aqueduct. The "Gate of the Spring" 
appears to have been at the point where the wall 
of the upper city formed a re-entering angle, crossing 
the Tyropoeon Valley above the Siloam Pool. Here 
Nehemiah found masses of ruins, among which "the 
beast that was under " him could not find footing. 
He viewed the east wall by going up the nalial or 
Kidron Valley, and then returned by the same way 
to the Gate of the Gai and to his house. 

* Taylor, "Alphabet," vol. i. p. 258. 

* Neh. iii. 7. 

' Neh. ii. 13-15. 

* The Hebrew 'abar does not of necessity mean "crossing" any 
valley. The word is constantly used in the Old Testament with the 
more general meaning to " go on," as in the Englisli ol this passage. 


The whole account of the walls is twice repeated 
in describing their building and their consecration.^ 
For the right understanding of these passages it is 
necessary to keep in mind certain practical considera- 
tions. In the first place, the lines of streets in a city 
are usually preserved from age to age b}^ the fact that 
the ground on each side of the way is private property 
which can only be acquired at great cost, or by seizure 
in cases when a foreign power attempts the rebuilding 
of a town. Thus the modern streets are the same 
which we find described in the twelfth century ; the 
same shown on the old mosaic map of the fifth 
century ; the same which existed in Hadrian's city ; 
and very probably the same as in the days of Nehe- 
miah. The west road approached Jerusalem at the 
point where the narrow neck of high ground was 
on the same level with that of this road outside the 
town. A street went straight down the Tyropoeon, 
from the west gate to the Temple. The north road 
divided just outside the town of Nehemiah's time into 
two lines. One of these, towards the east, led down 
the valley west of the Temple, and descended by 
steps to Siloam. These steps seem even to be shown 
on the fifth-century map, and the old pavements on 
this line — 40 feet underground — have already been 
noticed. A gate must have existed in the south wall 
on this line. The western branch of the north road 
formed a street running due south through the middle 
of the city ; and, ascending the steep slope of the 
upper city on the present line, it led probably to 
the gate near the south-west angle above the Hinnom 
Valley. Another line of street led east from a gate 
near the north-west side of the northern quarter, and 
passed north of the Temple to a gate in the east wall 
of the city. These are still the main streets of Jeru- 
salem, and they lead us to suppose that the city had 

' Nell. iii. and xii. 

Pock Contours 
shown thus:- 



— ^rrj 

^ A/ M 





I T/ie Sheep Gate 

■2 The Tower Hananeel 

3 The Touer Meah 

4 The Fish Gate 

5 The Old Gale 

6 The Ephraint Gale 

p. 73] 

Scale of Feet 



7 The Tomb of David 

8 The Lower Pool 

9 The Valley Gate 
10 The Corner Gale 
\ I The I 'pper Pool 
12 The Diitti' Gate 

13 The Spring Gale 

14 The Gale between Two Walls 

15 The Water Gate 

16 The Outlying Towei 

17 The Horse Gate 

18 The Healing Bath 


at least six gates, not counting those on Ophel and 
on the east wall of the Temple enclosure. 

In the second place, we must remember that the 
walls must have run on the highest available ground, 
in order to give advantage to the defenders over their 
enemies outside. This is invariably the arrangement 
of a fortified town in any age, and it is impossible to 
suppose that ancient engineers — any more than those 
of our own time — would build walls in valleys, leaving 
high ground immediately outside, where the towers 
and engines of the besiegers could be placed in 
positions commanding the town within. At Jerusalem 
the wall had to be carried across the head of a narrow 
valley on the north side, down which valley ran the 
street west of the Temple leading to Siloam. At 
Siloam also the wall had to be carried across a wider 
valley — the south part of the Tyropoeon ; but, unless 
it was desired to enclose that pool, it would here be 
kept as high as possible on the ground above the pool 
to the north. It is certain — at all events in the time 
of Josephus — that the Pool of Siloam was outside the 
wall ; but, since it was flanked by scarps within easy 
bowshot, it would be sufficiently defended if the wall 
was built on these scarps. The same consideration 
makes it certain that the wall defending Jerusalem 
on the north-west and west must have stood on the 
higher ground which defends the lower city on two 
sides. It would therefore join the wall of the upper 
city near the north-west corner of the latter, and 
would run on the narrow saddle, or neck of high land, 
which separates the heads of the Tyropoeon and 
Hinnom Valleys. No other position can be conceived, 
since if it began east of this saddle, it would have 
stretched through the Tyropoeon, leaving the saddle 
outside with a command of at least 50 feet above 
the base of the wall. Farther to the north-west the 
wall must also have enclosed, or run over, the high 


knoll of rock which was shown later as the site of 
Calvary — a rock which is nearly as high as the level 
ground of the upper city, and which formed the 
natural defence of the lower city which lay in the 
Tyropceon Valley. The wall might have run farther 
to the west and north, where the rock is close to 
the present surface, but it could not run farther east 
or south without leaving high ground immediately 
outside the fortress ; for the north slope of the broad 
Tyropceon hollow sinks very rapidly south of the 
knoll now shown as Calvary, while not far to the 
east of this knoll it also fell about 50 feet to 
the confluent valley coming from the present Dam- 
ascus Gate. 

The natural lines of defence, and the position of 
the streets and gates, have thus been considered 
without any reference to literary statements. As to 
the upper city there is a general consensus of opinion, 
and the scarps on which the ancient walls stood 
have been examined, both here and on the Ophel spur 
farther east. It is on the north that differences 
of opinion arise, according as the writer accepts the 
traditional site of Calvary, and endeavours to show 
that it might have been outside the city, or, on the 
other hand, disregards this hampering condition, and 
relies on the ascertained levels of the hills and valleys. 
The present writer feels no hesitation in concluding 
that rocks on which he has so often set his feet, 
whether on the surface or deep down in the great 
tanks of the Hospice of St. John, cannot be removed, 
nor valleys which — though much shallower than of 
old — are still traceable inside the city be exalted, 
on account of the mistake which Bishop Macarius 
made as to Calvary in the fourth century. If there 
were any indication that Christians preserved the 
traditional site in earlier times, due respect should 
be paid to such indication. But we do not even 


know for certain that there were any Christians at 
Jerusalem till the third century, or about 170 years 
after the great destruction by Titus, and none of 
the Christian Fathers before about 330 a.d. show any 
acquaintance with Jerusalem topography, or mention 
any tradition as to the situation of Calvary. For- 
tresses are built on hills, not under them, unless 
when a citadel is occupied, with outer walls on the 
slopes. Ancient walls do not run in deep ravines, 
leaving a commanding ridge just outside. It is on 
these principles that we may most safely rest in 
considering the walls of Jerusalem, 

A fortress {birah) defending the temple is said to 
have existed even in the time of Solomon, and it 
is incidentally noticed by Nehemiah. It seems to 
be the same as the later Baris, which Herod re- 
named Antonia.^ To this fortress the tower of 
Hananeel and the tower of Meah (perhaps " the 
place of observation ") seem to have belonged.^ The 
former is noticed as marking the north-east corner 
of the city, which did not extend north of the Birah 
in Nehemiah's time. The '* Sheep Gate"^ thus seems 
to have been a gate, in the north wall of the Temple 
enclosure, by which no doubt the sacrifices were 
brought in. The description of the walls begins from 
this point, and runs west and south, returning to 
the same gate by the east and northwards. This 
description is easily understood, and agrees with 
what has been said above as to the natural sites 
for the fortifications. The first gate west of the 
Temple fortress was the " Fish Gate," which we 
may place on the east branch of the north road ; 
the fish were no doubt brought to Jerusalem by 

' I Chron. xxix. ig ; Neh. ii. 8. W\s\n\z\\, Zebakhim, xii. 3; Tamtd, 
i. I ; Middoih, i. 9. 

^ Neh. iii. i, xii. 39; Jer. xxxi. 38; Zech. xiv. 10. 
* Nell. iii. 1-32. 



the old Beth-horon road from the seaside plain, and 
we learn that the fishermen were Tyrians.^ The 
" Old Gate," or more correctly the " Gate of the Old " 
(quarter), may be placed at the point where the 
wall crossed the line of the west branch of the north 
road. This term seems to show that part at least 
of the north quarter belonged to the oldest city, 
whereas a " second " district— which the English 
version calls "the college" — is noticed with the Fish 
Gate.^ The next gate is called " the Gate of Ephraim," 
and it may be placed on the north-west, at the end 
of the street that ran east to the north side of the 
Temple. This gate was some 400 cubits from the 
Corner Gate.^ The measurement brings us to about 
the requisite position if the corner was that near 
which the wall of the north quarter joined that of 
the upper city. Near the Gate of Ephraim, a little 
farther south perhaps, was the " Seat of the 
Governor." We thus reach the " Wall of the Broad 
Place "^ and the "Tower of the Furnaces"— or per- 
haps of the " Cressets." The " broad place " was no 
doubt a square on the flat ground near to where 
the rock isthmus, already often noticed, leads to the 
hill of the upper city. 

We thus arrive at the west road, where was the 
" Gate of the Gai," at the head of the Hinnom Valley. 
Whether this was identical with the " Corner Gate," 
or merely near it, depends on whether we should 
read (in 2 Chron. xxvi. 9) " the Corner Gate even the 
Valley Gate"; but Jeremiah describes the breadth of 
Jerusalem, east and west, by the expression, " from, 
the Tower of Hananeel to the Gate of the Corner." 
The description next follows the west wall of the 

' Neh. iii. 3, xii. 39, xiii. 16. 

^ Neh. iii. 6 ; 2 Kings xxii. 14; Zeph. i. 10. 

^ Neh. xii. 39 ; 2 Chron. xxv. 23, xxvi. 9 ; Jer. xxxi. 38. Josephus 
describes the streets in this part as oblique to the wall (" Wars," 
V. viii. i). * Neh. iii. 8, xii. 38. 


upper city to the Dung Gate, which was 1,000 
cubits from the Valley Gate, or more if the whole of 
the wall was not in ruins. To the present day the 
dung-hills outside the city are found in this direction. 
It is generally agreed that the wall extended south to 
the great rock scarp by the English school, which was 
explored by Mr. Henry Maudeslay in 1874, and which 
formed the south-west angle of ancient Jerusalem, 
where a square tower projected at the corner.^ From 
this angle the scarp runs south-east for about 350 feet, 
to where a broad entrance between two lower scarps 
cuts the line. There was probably a gate at this 
point, which may have been the Dung Gate, though 
it is more than 1,000 cubits from the west road, and 
thus from the Gate of the Valley. No other ancient 
gate is noticed on the south side of the upper city, nor 
was one required, as no road led across the deep 
Hinnom gorge. The wall ran east — perhaps on the 
line of the later Byzantine wall — and the next points 
mentioned are " the Gate of the Spring," " the wall 
of the Pool of Siloah by the king's garden," and " the 
stairs that go down from the city of David," ^ which 
were at " the going up of the wall." An artificial rock 
scarp runs northwards on the west side of the Pool of 
Siloam, about 20 feet above the level of the flat walk 
which existed on each side of the pool ; and between 
this and the pool is a broad flight of rock-cut steps. 
These steps have been traced for 700 feet northwards, 
ascending the Tyropoeon Valley in the direction of the 
south-west angle of the Ilaram enclosure. They seem 
to be indicated also, near this latter point, on the old 
fifth-century mosaic map, and are noticed again in 
570 A.D., as will appear later. We can hardly doubt 

' " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., pp. 393-7 ; Bliss, " Ex- 
cavations at Jerusalem," pp. 2-10. 

- Neh. iii. 16, xii. 37; see 2 Kings xii. 20; i Chroii. x.xvi. 16. Bliss, 
" Excavations at Jerusalem," p. 151. 


that they represent the " stairs that go down from the 
city of David " — that is, from the quarter immediately 
west of the Temple. The " Gate of the Spring " is 
noticed before the " wall of Siloah," which would 
stand on the scarp to the west of the pool, and it may 
best be placed at the angle where the south wall of the 
upper city now turned north, and where a path still 
exists. The term " going up of the wall " obliges us 
to suppose that it crossed the Tyropoeon Valley north 
of the Siloam Pool, where the level was about lOO 
feet higher than at the corner ; and here, passing the 
stairs, it ran east to a scarp visible above the surface, 
and about 120 feet higher than the ground round the 
pool. The wall passed the " King's Garden " and the 
" sepulchres of David," already noticed,^ and reached 
a tower called " the House of Heroes," turning again 
north along the east side of the Ophel spur, at the 
" going up of the Armoury," or otherwise of the 
"junction." For the wall ran up-hill all the way to 
the Temple from this point. The line thus traced is 
the same that josephus describes in later times, ex- 
cluding, but yet defending, the Pool of Siloam. As 
regards the stairs, it is possible that we have another 
allusion to them where the " going down to Silla " (or 
"the stairway ") is connected with the " house of Millo," 
probably a building in the lower city. We also read 
of a " causeway of going up " (more correctly an 
" ascent of steps ") in connection with the west gate of 
the Temple, but this may have been a distinct flight.''^ 
On the Ophel spur the east wall, south of the 
Temple, had another " turning " close to the palace or 
" king's high house," and a projecting tower near the 
" Water Gate " which— as explained already— must 
have been above the Kidron spring.^ It ran north- 

' See back, p. 69. 

'^ Neh. iii. 15, xii. 37 ; 2 Kings xii. 20 ; I Chron xxvi. 16. 

^ Neh. iii. 23-6, xii. 37. See p. 65. 


east, on the line already noticed as fortified by Man- 
asseh, to the " Horse Gate " which was at a corner. 
This part was called especially " the wall of the 
Ophel," a term which does not signify a " tower " but 
a *' mound," such as ancient cities were built on, and 
a " place," as Josephus calls it later, where were the 
houses of the Nethinim.^ The rest of the course, on 
the east side of the Temple, is briefly described from 
the "Gate of the Muster" (Miphkad), or "of the 
Guard " (the " Prison " Gate), to the " going up of the 
corner" at the north-east angle of Jerusalem, and thus 
to the " Sheep Gate " where the description begins.^ 

Jerusalem thus described was a city of about 200 
acres — that is, of the same size as the modern town 
within the walls, but extending farther south and less 
far to the north. The account above given places each 
of the main gates on a main road still existing. The 
gate on the line of the stairs from the city of David 
is not named in the book of Nehemiah, but it is clearly 
the " gate between the two walls by the king's garden," 
which we have already seen to be the one by which 
Zedekiah fled down the Kidron Valley to Jericho. 
The " two walls " were the two flanks of the city wall, 
which defended the Pool of Siloah (lying outside the 
city) on the west and on the north-east. 

Such was the Jerusalem not only of Nehemiah but 
of Nebuchadnezzar's time, and with this description 
we close the account of the Hebrew city : for after the 
departure of Nehemiah, in 433 B.C., we have no further 
notice of Jerusalem during about two centuries and a 
half of Jewish history. 

' 2 Chron. xxvii. 3, xxxiii. 14; Neh. iii. 26, xi. 21. 
* Neh. iii. 31-2, xii. 39. 



The influence of Greece, which afterwards became so 
important a feature of Hebrew history, began to be 
felt in Palestine after the rough he-goat of Macedon 
had smitten the ram with two horns— the Medes and 
Persians — " in the fury of his power," and when the 
four " notable " horns had sprung up after Alexander 
died. Hitherto we have seen Israel under the power 
of Semitic Assyrians and Babylonians, and of 
Egyptians. The first Aryan race with which the 
Hebrews came in contact was that of the Persians, 
but Persian civilisation also was founded on that of 
Babylon, and for long ages the Greeks in the West had 
been the pupils of Hittites and Semitic Lydians, in 
Asia Minor, before they developed an art and culture 
of their own superior to that of Asia. It is true that 
the enthusiasm of classical scholars has led them to 
over-estimate the antiquity and importance of Hellenic 
influence,^ but the first appearance of Greeks near 

' The Keft people, represented in an Egyptian tomb, were Phcsni- 
cians, according to the bilingual " Decree of Canopus," and not Cretans. 
Their art is identical with that of Phoenicians, clearly of Semitic race 
in another painting. They were connected with islanders who were 
probably the inhabitants of Cyprus. The Ptirstaic of a picture of the 
time of Rameses III. (about 1200 B.C.) have no connection with the 
Philistines, who came from Cappadocia, according to the LXX. 
The frescoes and tablets of the palace of Knossos in Crete are 
probably not older than about 500 (not 1500) B.C., and the "geometri- 
cal " pottery appears to be Phoenician. The evidence of the Amarna 



the shores of Syria is in the time of Sargon (about 
710 B.C.), when the names of Greek and of Phoenician 
kings in Cyprus are noticed. It is of course possible 
that Cypriote pottery reached Palestine in this age, 
and it is known that wild Aryans attacked North 
Syria in the fourteenth century b.c, and even invaded 
Egypt about 1265 b.c. These fair-haired and blue-eyed 
peoples are represented on an Egyptian picture about 
1200 B.C., but they were defeated on each occasion 
by the Pharaohs, and were driven back to Asia Minor. 
Thus they never formed an element of population in 
Palestine, nor is Greek influence discernible in the 
monumental remains before about 300 b.c. at earliest. 

Alexander won the empire of Western Asia in 
three great battles, at Issos, at Arbela, and on the 
Indus ; battles which are well worth study, on account 
of the tactical skill of his arrangements, which — at 
Issos especially — nullified the numerical superiority 
of the Persians. After he had entrapped them in 
the valley east of Tarsus, and after the fall of Tyre 
and the capture of Damascus, his march on Egypt 
met with resistance only at Gaza. The statesmanship 
of Aristotle's pupil and the generous tolerance of 
his character rendered him acceptable to Semitic races 
which had long groaned under the tyranny of the 
later degenerate Persian monarchs. It is doubtful, 
perhaps, whether his visit to Jerusalem can be re- 
garded as historical,^ though there is nothing very 
inconsistent with Alexander's method in the accounts ; 

tablets, and of the Bible alike, shows that the Philistines were a 
Semitic race akin to the Babylonians. It is to be preferred to the 
fancies of Tacitus, who thought that the Jews must have come from 
Crete (" Hist.," v. ii.), because the words /</«»/ (people of Mount Ida) 
and loiidaioi (Jews) were similar. The lonians are not noticed in 
any of the Amarna tablets. 

' See Josephus (" Ant.," XI. viii. 5). The high-priest's name in 
332 B.C. was Jaddua (Neh. xii. 22 ; " Ant.," XI. vii. 2). The later rabbis 
incorrectly suppose him to have been Simon the Just (Tal, Bab., Voma, 
69, a; Megillah Taaniih, ch. ix.). 


but it is clear that the Hebrews submitted to him 
without any struggle, and that he favoured the Jews 
in Egypt, who had a quarter in his new city 

Alexander died at Babylon in 324 or 323 b.c, and 
Laomedon became ruler of Syria and Phcenicia ; but 
Palestine became part of the dominions of Ptolemy I. 
of Egypt, who took Jerusalem on the sabbath day 
— the year, however, not being stated.^ Seleucus, 
another of these generals, conquered Babylon in 312 B.C., 
and the " era of the Seleucidae " dates from October i 
of that year. After the battle of Ipsos in 301 b.c, 
when the number of independent rulers in West Asia 
and Greece and Egypt was reduced to four, Seleucus 
built Antioch as the new trading capital of Syria. 
Ptolemy H.^ was a very cultivated ruler, who caused 
the Law of Moses to be translated into Greek at 
Alexandria, and sent splendid gifts to the Temple at 
Jerusalem. The city remained under the Egyptians 
during the wars between Seleucidae and Ptolemies, 
till after the great victory of Antiochus III. (at Banias 
in 198 B.C.) over Scopas, the general of Ptolemy V.^ 
Antiochus marched into Gilead, and occupied 
Samaria. He brought elephants with him even to 
Jerusalem, where he besieged the citadel and expelled 
the Egyptian garrison, being apparently received with 
favour by the Jews. He presented costly gifts to 
the Temple, including salt (for the sacrifices), which 
was probably a royal monopoly, and caused the 
cloisters to be rebuilt, permitting the inhabitants to 
live according to their own law. He afterwards 
made a league with Ptolemy V., and Palestine was 
surrendered as the dower of Cleopatra — daughter of 
this Ptolemy — whom Antiochus married.* 

' Josephus, "Ant.," XII. i. i. Ptolemy I. reigned from 323 to 285 B.C. 

» "Ant.," XII. ii. 1-15. Ptolemy II., 285-47 b.c. 

» "Ant.," XII. iii. 3, 4. < Ibid., XII. iv. i. 


During this period the influence of Greek art begins 
to be notable in extant buildings in Palestine, and not 
much later a gymnasium was built even at Jerusalem, 
introducing ideas which were very repugnant to the 
Jews, but natural to the Greeks.^ Onias, the high- 
priest, was the son of Simon the Just, and held office 
under Ptolemy III. (247-22 B.C.), whom he angered in 
the matter of taxes. A Levite named Joseph success- 
fully settled the dispute — which was no doubt due 
to religious scruples. After his death, apparently in 
187 B.C., Hyrcanus, a son of this Levite, retired to 
Gilead — driven out by his elder brothers — and there 
established himself at Tyrus, making war on the 
Arabs. His fortress with rocky caves and stables, 
and his palace of huge masonry, still exist at the 
place called 'Arak el Emir, or " the Prince's Cavern " ; 
and the ruins are of great importance as showing that 
Greek ideas and Greek architectural style dominated 
the work even of Hebrew priests before 175 B.C. For 
in that year Hyrcanus, fearing punishment by the new 
tyrant, Antiochus IV., committed suicide at his palace,^ 
which remained apparently unfinished, and is thus 
the earliest absolutely dated monument of Jewish art 
under Greek influence.^ 

Josephus mentions the lions that adorned this palace, 
in defiance of the law, which Hyrcanus broke as 
Solomon had done, and as even the rabbis of our 
second century did later, by the representation of 
living beasts. But the ruins furnish yet more remark- 
able evidence of Greek influence. The cliff has a 
gallery excavated more than half-way up its height, 
and various chambers run in from it, while below 
are the rock stables with their mangers, and the guard- 

' I Mace. i. 14. 

» " Ant," XII. iv. 6, 1 1. Seleucus IV., 187-75 B.C. 
' For full details and photographic views, with one of the Aramaic 
iascription, see my report in " Mem. East Pal. Survey," 1889, pp. 65-87. 


house with its Aramaic text carved beside the door, 
proving that we are not deahng with a Greel< site. 
These were planned by Lieut. Mantell, R.E., in 1881, 
when he also photographed the inscription, which I 
studied at the same time. It is in Aramaic characters, 
similar to those of other texts, and to those of the 
Jewish coins about half a century later. The com- 
parison with these shows very clearly that the earlier 
copyists mistranslated the text, which reads 'Auryali, 
from a root meaning " to be watchful." It is thus 
either a direction to the " watch-house," or an exhorta- 
tion to the guard to be alert. The palace itself, on 
the flat ground above the stream, is surrounded on 
three sides by a broad court having boundary walls 
10 feet high. The building itself measures 70 yards 
north and south, by 50 yards east and west, with a 
pillared entrance on the north. The unfinished capitals 
of huge pillars lie amid the ruins inside. On the east 
wall the top course at each angle is carved with lions, 
two facing north and two facing south respectively to- 
wards the corners. These also were unfinished. The 
total height of the building is 21 feet, and the lowest 
course is 8 feet high. The corner-stone is over 17 feet 
in length, and this fine masonry thus rivals that of 
Herod at Jerusalem and of the Romans at Baalbek. 

The reason for thus detailing the characteristics of 
this building is that it furnishes us with a dated 
example of Hebrew architecture in the Greek age, 
in a style which continued in fashion till the last days 
of ancient Jerusalem. We here find the gigantic 
ashlar finished with a sunk draft round each block, 
in imitation of the Greek masonry which characterises 
the Acropolis at Athens. Earlier explorers, who had 
a very imperfect acquaintance with Palestine archi- 
tecture, have spoken of this finish as a " Phoenician 
bevel," which is doubly incorrect, since there is no 
bevel, but a sunken border or draft, while there is 


no evidence that in Palestine — or in PhcEnicia either — 
such masonry was in use before the Greek age. It 
never occurs in the older ruins as yet excavated in 
Judaea, though some writers have attributed to 
Hebrews and Phoenicians the masonry of later ages, 
including that of Herod and of the Romans, which 
the}' have failed to distinguish from inferior Byzan- 
tine imitations found in the walls of churches and 
monasteries, and even from the drafted masonry of 
the Franks in the twelfth century, which is distin- 
guishable by the rude projecting bosses, the peculiar 
tooling of the smooth drafts, and the mason's marks 
on stones used in interiors. That Solomon or Hiram 
ever used drafted masonry there is no evidence at 
all to prove. 

Not only is this masonry Greek in style, but other 
details are equally classic, such as those of the 
Corinthian capitals at the north gate, the frieze with 
triglyphs, and the details of ornament with con- 
ventional honeysuckles and ovulae of a cornice. We 
have just that combination of Greek and Asiatic ideals 
which we find in the Herodian architecture, and in 
the rock tombs of the Herodian age at Jerusalem, as 
will be noticed later. The palace of Hyrcanus is 
evidence of the rapid Hellenising of the Jews, which 
might have gone on without a check had not the 
intolerance of Antiochus IV. roused the patriotism of 
the Hasmonaeans, and the puritanism of the Hasidim, 
or " pious," whom they led in the great struggle for 
civil and religious liberty. 

The Romans, who had defeated Antiochus III. at 
Magnesia in 190 b.c, forbade Antiochus IV. to make 
war on their protege Ptolemy VII. in Egypt. Whether 
in wrath and disappointment he revenged himself on 
his Jewish subjects, or whether he regarded the 
consolidation of power as best effected by Hellenising 
them— as Russian Tsars have regarded the Russian- 


ising of Germans, Finns, and Jews in our own times — 
may be doubtful. But whatever the object with which 
Antiochus IV. deserted the tolerant policy of his 
predecessors, it is recorded that, on his return from 
Egypt in 170 b.c, he entered Jerusalem and plun- 
dered the city^; and two years later, on Cisleu 25, 
168 B.C., he placed a Greek altar on that of Jehovah, 
and offered swine upon it, as also on other altars in 
every city and village of the country. Swine were 
offered to Aphrodite among Greeks in connection with 
the legend of Adonis, and to Osiris in Egypt.^ Their 
bones have been found — as sacrifices to Demeter — 
in the ruins of the temple at Cnidus ; but the pig was 
an unclean animal to Semitic peoples, and we can 
hardly doubt that the desecration was wilful, especially 
as the Semitic custom of circumcision was then also 

At the same time Antiochus IV., having — according 
to Josephus — burned the principal buildings and 
thrown down the city walls, " built a citadel in the 
lower part of the city; for the place was high and 
overlooked the Temple, on which account he fortified 
it with high walls and towers, and put into it a 
garrison of Macedonians." This was the famous Akra 
(or " citadel ") which played so important a part in 
the history of the struggle between Judas Maccabaeus 
and his brothers on the one part, and the Greek kings 
of Syria on the other, and concerning which so many 
mistaken views survive from pre-scientific days.^ The 
statements in the First Book of Maccabees are not very 
definite, though it is clear that this Akra was in the 
city of David, and that it was " alongside " the " hill 
of the Temple." The Greek translators of the Old 

» " Ant.," XII. V. 3, 4. 

» Herodotus, ii. 47, 48. 

» See "Ant.,'' XII. v. 4, ix. 3, xi. i, 2, XIII. v. 11, vi. 7, XV. xi. 4; 
" W^ars," I. ii. 2, iii. 2; i Mace. i. 33, x. 9, xi. 41, 51, xii. 36, xiii. 52, 
xiv. 36, 37. 


Testament, as already noticed, identified this Akra 
with the Millo of Solomon's time. Josephus is more 
definite, and his evidence should not be lightly set 
aside because it contradicts the theories of modern 
literary critics, who have no hesitation in saying that 
the Jewish historian is wrong when his words cannot 
be reconciled with their understanding of the topo- 
graphy. Some writers ^ have placed the Akra south 
of the Temple, supposing the existence of an intervening 
valley (which, it may be said with certainty, never 
existed, since the levels of the rock forbid the sup- 
position) and the existence of a summit on Ophel 
which was afterwards cleared away, and which would 
have had to be 150 feet high. They crowd all the 
nomenclature — city of David, Zion, Akra, Millo, Ophel, 
lower city, and the m'sudah or "hill-top" — into the 
narrow area of 15 acres (including also the supposed 
valley), leaving the city generally without any names 
for its quarters ; and they reject the measurements 
and statements of the Bible and Josephus, except 
when these are misunderstood as confirming an 
unpractical theory. Others, on the contrary, would 
have us believe that the Akra destroyed by Simon 
the Hasmonaean was the same as the citadel Baris, 
which he or one of his family built soon after. They 
have been misled by Whiston's translation " adjoined 
the Temple," where the Greek really reads " lay over 
against the Temple." If the Akra was levelled that 
it might not overlook the Holy House, it could not 
afterwards have been that rock which defended the 
Temple in later times, and which still rises with a 
high scarp above the inner courts. Both views are 
impracticable, and American scholars " seem always to 

' For instance, Dr. G. A. Smith, "Jerusalem," 1908, i. p. 155, ii. p. 448, 
though he only follows earlier writers, with no more than an occasional 
passing allusion to the facts due to exploration. 

- Rev. Selah Merrill follows his distinguished countryman Dr. E 
Robinson; see "Later Bib. Researches," 1852, p. 216. 


have understood the topography better than some 
scholars in England, perhaps because they are not 
unconsciously influenced by the desire to save the 
traditional site of Calvary, which was the original 
cause of these attempts to twist the literary evidence 
from its natural explanation. The first school are 
involved in the dilemma that the city of David was 
first lower than the Temple, then — about 800 years 
later — was higher, and then lower again ; while the 
supposed peak, 150 feet high, is geologically a very 
improbable feature, and the supposed valley never 
existed. The second school would make the Has- 
monaeans first cut down a hill as being a danger to 
the Temple, and then — later — build on the same hill 
a fortress overlooking and defending the Temple. 
Disregarding these dilemmas, we may inquire into 
the actual statements of ancient writers concerning 
the position of the Akra or " citadel," though these 
have again and again been explained, without any 
answer having been given to the argument by those 
who are otherwise convinced. 

The word akra is Greek, and means "a citadel." 
Josephus never applies the term to the fortress north 
of the Temple, which he calls the phroiirion. In the 
First Book of Maccabees we read that the Greeks " built 
up the city of David with a great and strong wall and 
mighty towers, and it became a citadel {akra^ for 
them."' In another passage^ we learn that this " city 
of David " was Jerusalem ; and again ^ that this citadel 
was " in Jerusalem." Jonathan, the brother of Judas 
Maccabaeus, " piled up a great mound between the 
Akra and the city, to separate it from the city" ^ ; and, 
as already noted, the " hill of the temple " lay " along- 
side the Akra," which was finally taken by Simon, the 
elder brother of Judas.^ The statements of Josephus 
are very clear on this subject. He says that this 

' i. 33. * ii. 31. * vi. 26. ■* xii. 36. '•" xiii. 49. 


citadel was in the " lower part of the city," ^ yet was 
" high and overlooked the Temple." It moreover 
" lay over against the Temple," and commanded the 
approach to it. Jonathan, he says, " built another 
wall to exclude the market from the Akra," and this 
wall was " in the midst of the city."- Simon took the 
"Akra of Jerusalem" and destroyed it, and the Jews 
then " levelled the mountain, and in that work spent 
both day and night without intermission, which cost 
them three whole years before it was removed, and 
brought quite to a level with the plain of the rest 
of the city. After which the Temple was the highest 
of all the buildings, now that the Akra, as well as the 
mountain on which it stood, was demolished." Again 
he says that Simon " demolished the Akra," and that 
the " hill which was called Akra and defended the 
lower city was gibbous" in shape; "and over 
against this was a third ridge, naturally lower than 
the Akra, and at first divided from the other by a flat 
valley. But in the times when the Hasmonaeans 
ruled, they filled up the valley, deciding to join the 
Temple to the city ; and, having levelled the mound of 
the Akra, they made it flatter, so that the Temple 
might be above the same." ^ 

There does not seem to be any difficulty in under- 
standing these notices when taken together, nor do 
they contradict one another. The city lay over 
against the Temple "like a theatre,""* the upper city 
being on the south, and the lower city in the broad 
Tyropoeon to the north ; the horseshoe head of the 
valley gave the theatre form, and the hill defending 
the lower city was that "gibbous " spur — resembling 
the moon in the third quarter— which bulges out east- 

' See the passages already cited, p. 92. 

« "Ant," XIII. V. II. 

3 Ibid., XIII. vi. 7; "Wars," I. ii. -, V. iv. i. 

* "Ant.,"XV. xi. 5. 


wards near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. At its 
highest point — the rock of the traditional Calvary — it 
is 2,497 f^st above sea-level, or more than 60 feet 
higher naturally than the rock site of the Temple, 
Originally the high ground stretched farther east, not 
far from the Temple, but separated from it by a flat 
valley 40 feet deep, which is the confluent of the 
Tyropoeon, having its head near the present Damascus 
Gate on the north side of the city. By digging down 
this ridge, and filling the valley east of it, the surface 
in this part of Jerusalem became much what it now is; 
for the rock in the confluent valley — usually known 
as the Hasmonaean Valley — is now 40 feet under the 
street, and the visitor who follows the Via Dolorosa 
from the cathedral to Antonia (the Turkish barracks) 
is unaware of the original depth of this valley, though 
the street is not quite level throughout. East of this 
valley the present street rises towards Antonia, 
running over the fosse north of that citadel, which 
was filled in in 70 a.d., and over the Byzantine roof 
vaults of the Twin Pools, which were cut in that fosse. 
It is thus 40 feet higher than it was in the Hasmonaean 
age when the fosse was visible, and the road nearl}'^ 
level. There was plenty of room on the Akra spur 
for a citadel with towers, and the keep of the fortress 
was probably at the rock of the orthodox Calvary. 
The valley has been filled in at some period of history, 
and there is no reason to doubt that this was done by 
Simon the Hasmonaean. Josephus does not say that 
the rock was cut away, but merely that the " mound " 
on which the Akra stood was " worked down." 

Considering the site to be thus settled, we may 
briefly sum up the history of the fortress. It was 
built as the Macedonian citadel in 170 b.c, the rest of 
the city being more or less destroyed ; and — after the 
persecution of 168 b.c. and the setting up of " the 
abomination that maketh desolate " on the altar — 


the Temple itself was deserted. The revolt of the 
Hasmonasans (commonly known as "Maccabees"') 
began at Modin, a little village in the low hills, 6 
miles cast of Lydda and 17 miles from Jerusalem, 
overlooking the plains, with a view of the sea. 
Here Mattathias the Hasmonaean and his five sons 
were successively buried, and their monument per- 
haps still awaits excavation under the tell south of 
the village of Medyeh. Mattathias died in 166 B.C., 
and the heroic Judas about five years later, l^he 
energy and ability of the brothers brought about final 
independence, in spite of occasional checks and mis- 
fortunes. The relief of the Akra garrison was the 
objective of the various Greek generals, and the 
Macedonian resistance in this citadel continued for 
thirty years, until the weakness of the Seleucidse, 
due to internecine disputes in Antioch, rendered 
Antiochus VH. willing to accept Simon, the surviving 
brother of Judas, as ethnarch of Palestine, under a 
suzerainty which soon became nominal. 

The first great victory of Judas Maccabaeus was won 
over the Greeks near Emmaus Nicopolis, not far from 
Modin, in 165 B.C.; he subsequently defeated Lysias 
at Bethzur, south of Jerusalem, in an attempt to reach 
the city by the southern pass. After this second 
victory Judas and his men went up to Mount Sion — 
that is, to Jerusalem — to cleanse the Temple'"^: "And 
when they saw the sanctuary desolate and the altar 
profaned, and the gates burned up, and shrubs 
growing" in the courts as in a forest or in one of the 
mountains, and the chambers pulled down, they rent 
their clothes, and made great lamentation, and cast 
ashes on their heads." The defiled stones were 

' Tlie name Makkabi (" hammerer "), applied to the tliird brother 
Judas. His ancestor Hasmon ("Ant.," XII. vi. l) was of tlie priestly 
family of Johoiarib, the first of the twenty-four courses (i Chron. 
xxiv. 7). 

' I Mace. iv. 38. 


carried out to an unclean place, but those of the Altar 
of Jehovah were laid up in the " Mountain of the 
Temple," " until there should come a prophet to show 
what should be done with them." They appear to 
have remained in the north-east chamber of the great 
gate-house called Moked (on the north side of the 
priests' court), until the final destruction of the 
city.^ The Temple was rebuilt, with a new altar of 
white stones, and was reconsecrated on Cisleu 25, 
164 B.C. The Feast of Dedication has been com- 
memorated ever since on that day. But hardly had 
this work been accomplished when Jerusalem was 
retaken by Lysias, and the Macedonian garrison 
relieved. The year 163 B.C. was a sabbatic year, 
and no resistance appears to have been made by 
the majority of the nation. Judas was defeated at 
Beth-zachariah, south of Jerusalem, and his brother 
Eleazar perished under one of the elephants of 
the enemy. The Hasmonaeans shut themselves 
up in the Temple courts, but fortunately — at the 
moment of their greatest need — bad news from the 
north reached Lysias, and he hastily made peace, 
and conceded the main demand that the Jews should 
be at liberty to follow the law. The 3^oung king 
Antiochus V. appears to have been with the army, 
and when he entered Sion and saw the strength 
of the place, he commanded the destruction of the 

Judas took occasion of the troubles that arose in 
Syria next year to expel the Hellenisers from the 
city. Alcimus (the high-priest recognised by this 
party) came back with a force sent by Demetrius 
Soter' under the command of Bacchides, and the 
Hasidim admitted the Greeks because they were 

' Mishnah, Middoth, i. 6. 
* I Mace. vi. 48, 49, 53, 62. 
' I Mace. vii. 1-47. 


accompanied by "a priest of the seed of Aaron."' 
Bacchides removed his camp to a place called Bezeth, 
which has been supposed to be the later Bezetha 
north of the Temple, not yet within the city. His 
successor, Nicanor, was attacked by Judas at Caphar- 
salama — perhaps the modern Selmeh near Jaffa — 
and forced to flee back to the "city of David" — that 
is, to Jerusalem. The priests came out of the temple 
to " Mount Sion/' but were wrathfully received by 
the defeated general, and in the cold winter month 
of Adar he went forth to meet the advance of Judas, 
and was slain at Adasa, north of the city. The new 
usurper, Demetrius Soter, had fled from Rome to 
Antioch, and to the Romans Judas turned for help, 
little foreseeing the future results of this policy, to 
which his successors also adhered. But Roman 
armies were still far away, and in the year 161 B.C. 
Demetrius sent Bacchides once more by the north 
road through Samaria, and Judas was outflanked and 
slain at Beth-zetho — apparently the present Bir ez 
Zeit, commanding a pass four miles north-west of 
Bethel.- The Akra garrison was thus once more 

After this disaster the Hasmonaean party under 
Jonathan were hunted to the Jordan marshes, and 
the Greeks maintained order for two years, and then 
made peace with Jonathan, who took up his residence 
at Michmash. In the year 152 b.c. another revolution 
in Syria placed Alexander Balas on the throne of 
Antioch.^ The new ursurper made Jonathan high- 
priest, and the only garrisons maintained by the 

' Alcimus, however, is said (i Mace. ix. 54) to have pulled down 
the inner wall of the sanctuaiy, and the "works of the prophets "— 
probably the walls of the courts erected by Zerubbabel in the days 
of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah. 

' I Macr. ix. 15 ; "Ant.," XII. x. 2, xi. i. 

' I Mace. ix. 52. 

* I Mace. ix. 64, X. I, 21 ; "Ant.," XIII. i. 4-6, ii. i. 


Greeks were those of Bethzur, and of the Akra in 
Jerusalem. Yet another revolution occurred in 
147 B.C., when Demetrius Nicator became king of 
Syria.' Jonathan then struck for freedom once more, 
capturing Joppa and Ascalon, and returning to 
Jerusalem, where he besieged the Akra. Demetrius 
granted to him an extension of Judaea at the expense 
of Samaria, and the next usurper, Trypho, confirmed 
his position as ruler. In 144 b.c. Jonathan and Simon 
built the wall, or mound, in the midst of Jerusalem, 
to separate the Akra from the market-place. They 
also repaired the city walls, especially at a place 
called Caphenatha, on the east near the brook Kidron. 
The word " Caphenatha " is Aramaic for a " heap," 
and is thus probably equivalent to the Hebrew 'Ophel, 
or " mound." As regards the wall or mound in the 
middle of the city, it should be observed that the 
only market-place in Jerusalem mentioned by Josephus 
is that in the upper city. It is possible, therefore, 
that the wall to which he refers was that which 
defended the upper city on the north side, running 
through the middle of the town to the Temple. But 
in the history which he follows it was called a 
" mound," and not a wall. It ma}^ therefore have 
been raised as a covered way on the narrow neck 
of land near the Jaffa Gate. This would serve to 
protect those who came in to the upper market from 
any attack by the Akra garrison. No wall on the 
Ophel spur nor any north of the Temple could be 
described, in this age, as being in the " midst of 
the city," and this allusion serves therefore to confirm 
the supposition that the Akra lay north of the upper 

» I Mace. X. 67 ; " Ant.," XIII. iv. 9. 

2 "Ant.," XIII. V. II.; i Mace. xii. 36-7. The Akra garrison had 
given hostages in 152 B.C. (i Mace. x. 9), and made peace in 147 B.C. 
(xi. 51.) 


The aim of Jonathan, who combined the offices of 
high-priest and civil governor, was to restore Hebrew 
freedom not only in Judaea, but throughout Palestine, 
and even to restore the empire of Solomon, to 
the Eleutherus River or " entering in to Hamath." 
But the usurping general Trypho enticed him into 
the city of Accho, and led him prisoner to Gilcad, 
where he was put to death, in 143 b.c. Thus Simon 
alone survived of the five famous brethren. He 
fortified Jerusalem, against which Trypho intended 
to advance, but the city was saved by a heavy fall of 
snow, which blocked the roads. ^ The year 142 b.c. 
was called — in the commercial contracts of Israel — 
the " first year of Simon the high-priest, general and 
governor of the Jews."^ A bronze tablet recording 
his treaty with Rome was set up, two years later, 
on Mount Sion, in which he was called " high-priest 
to the army of God [Saramel]," the great congregation 
of the priests, the people, and the chiefs ratifying 
his action.^ This term, taken from the Aramaic 
original of the First Book of Maccabees, is left un- 
translated in our Greek version. Antiochus VII., in 
139 B.C., bestowed on Simon the right to strike a 
silver coinage,^ and these coins appear to have borne 
the name "Simon" on one side, and the legend 
" Deliverance of Jerusalem " on the other, in letters of 
the old alphabet of Israel, the forms of which were 
but slightly modified from those of the Siloam text, 
though manifestly later.^ Simon was thus the most 
successful of the Hasmonaean brothers, and his 
greatest triumph was the final conquest of the Akra 

' I Mace. xiii. 24; "Ant.," XIII. vi. 4, 5, 6. 

^ I Mace. xiii. 42. Simon's son, John Hyrcanus, is called " High- 
priest and Uniter \Jiabba7-'\ of the Jews " on his coins. 

^ I Mace. xiv. 28. 

* I Maec. XV. 6. 

^ A copper coin reads " Simon, Prince of Israel," with " First year 
of redemption of Israel." 


citadel. The garrison was at length withdrawn from 
the "city of David in Jerusalem,"^ and the fortress 
was at first occupied by Jews, and— as we have 
already seen — finally demolished, about 140 B.C. 

When Simon was murdered near Jericho in 135 B.C., 
his son John Hyrcanus succeeded him, and manifested 
the same courage and ability which distinguished his 
father. He was unfortunate, however, at first, for 
Antiochus VII. attacked Jerusalem in 134 B.C. Jose- 
phus relates that the Greeks established seven camps 
round the city, and raised an hundred siege-towers 
(probably an exaggeration) " about the north part of 
the wall, where it happened that it was upon a level 
with the outer ground." ^ This agrees with the 
supposition that the wall ran on the spur north of the 
Tyropoeon. It was the time of the Feast of Tabernacles 
— in autumn — and the granting of a truce for seven 
days, that the festival might be held, produced so 
favourable an impression on the Jews that peace was 
soon made on fair terms. It was on this occasion 
that Hyrcanus opened David's sepulchre, whence — as 
rumour said — he took 3,000 talents. Some ten years 
later he became more powerful, and destroyed the 
Samaritan temple on Gerizim. He died in 106 b.c, 
and the decadence of the race began in the next 

Aristobulus, his eldest son, ruled for one year only. 
His coins are still inscribed in Hebrew, but on those 
of his brother, Alexander Jannaeus, the Greek language 
for the first time appears on Jewish money. The 
more peaceful relations with the later Seleucidae 
apparently led to a revival of Greek influence, and 
the grandchildren of Simon followed Greek fashions, 
Aristobulus being the first of these rulers to set 
a diadem on his head,^ though he retained the old 

' I Mace. xiv. 36, 37. * " Ant.,'' XIII. viii. 2-4. 

3 Ibid., XIII. xi. I. 


title " High-priest and Uniter of the Jews," as is 
known from his bronze coins. Alexander Jannaeus 
went further and called himself in Hebrew " Jehona- 
than the King," while the reverse of the coin bears 
in Greek the words " of Alexander the King." ^ His 
reign (105 to 78 b.c.) was one of very chequered 
fortune, and he appears to have been a very ordinary 
tyrant. The events immediately connected with 
Jerusalem include the building of a wooden partition 
wall round the Temple and Altar ; the riot in which — 
at the Feast of Tabernacles — he was pelted with the 
lemons which were already carried as sacred emblems 
by the worshippers ; and the crucifixion of eight 
hundred Jewish rebels at Jerusalem, which shows us 
that he adopted a punishment then in use among 
Greeks and Romans, as it had been yet earlier among 

In a later passage ^ Josephus speaks of the defenders 
of the Temple, in 70 a.d., as fighting the Romans 
" from the tower Antonia, and from, the north cloister 
of the Temple, and . . . before the monument of King 
Alexander " — an allusion which raises a very interest- 
ing question as to existing antiquities : for the attack 
on the Temple walls thus met was evidently that of 
the tenth legion from Olivet, and the tomb or monu- 
ment in question may have been that now called the 
"Tomb of Absalom," belonging to a group of four 
conspicuous Greco-Jewish tombs on the east bank of 
the Kidron, opposite the south part of the eastern 
wall of the Haram. The style of the palace of 
Hyrcanus in Gilead shows us that these tombs might 
well be as old as 78 b.c. They resemble the rock 
sepulchres of Petra, though the latter may be some- 

' See De Saulcy, " Numismatique Judai'qiie," 1854, pp. 64-74; 
Madden, "Jewish Coinage," 1864, pp. 61-70. 

* Josephus, "Ant.," XIII. xiii. 5, xiv. 2. In Mishnah, Stikkah, iv. 9, 
the same story is told of a priest who was pelted to death. 

' " Wars," V. vii 3. 


what later. " Absalom's Tomb " Ms a chamber with 
two lociili^ or rock coffins, one in each side. The 
block of rock has been cut out from the cliff, and 
is 20 feet square. It is adorned with Ionic pillars, 
and a Greek frieze, over which is a bold corbelled 
cornice, and above the cornice a square masonry 
base, and a drum supporting a peculiar dome which 
has a finial 55 feet above the ground. The dome is 
a feature of Herodian architecture half a century later, 
and may well have been known in Palestine in the 
time of Alexander Jannaeus, for domes are repre- 
sented on Assyrian bas-reliefs even in the seventh 
century b.c. 

South of this monument is the tomb of the Bene 
Hezir priests,^ which has kokim graves in the Hebrew 
style, but a porch supported by two Doric pillars cut 
out of the rock. The inscription above them, record- 
ing the names of these priests, is in characters which 
are practically square Hebrew, but such characters 
are found in Aramaic papyri even as early as 200 b.c. 
It is evident that a monument to Jewish priests, of 
such importance, must have been made in the pros- 
perous times either of the Hasmonaeans or of the 
Herodians, and could not have been hewn after the 
fall of Jerusalem in 70 a.d. The characters are not 
like those of the coinage of Alexander Jannaeus, 
though the lettering on these is much less antique 
than that of Simon's coinage. But in this age there 
were many variations of the old Aramean alphabet 
in use, and (according to the Talmud) the square 
characters were used for sacred writings in the 
Hebrew tongue, side by side with the older script, 
which was used for Aramaic texts and civil docu- 
ments.^ It thus seems possible that the characters 

' " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., jip. 413-16. 

* See I Chron. xxiv. 15. 

* Tal. Bab., Sanhed., 21 b, 22 a. 

Tomb of Beni Hezir. 

p. 104! 


on a priests' tomb might differ from those of the 
contemporary civil coinage. It may, on the other 
hand, be thought that this tomb is somewhat later 
than 78 B.C. 

The third monument of this group is yet farther 
south, and is now called the " Tomb of Zechariah." 
It is entirely rock cut, and similar to " Absalom's 
Tomb" except in having a pyramidal roof It has also 
the same bold corbelled cornice. The fourth tomb 
is north of the village of Silwan, and is rarely noticed 
in early accounts. It was called by de Vogiie the 
" Egyptian Tomb," because it has a corbelled cornice — 
like the others — which he regarded as Egyptian. 
This kind of cornice is not only found with Greek 
pillars in the other instances, but it also occurs in the 
Haram at Hebron, in connection with Herodian 
masonry. The tomb has no other adornment outside ; 
on the inside it has a ridge ceiling.^ There is no 
reason to suppose that it is any older than the other 
three. To the left of the door there are two marks 
cut in the rock. M. Clermont-Ganneau regards them 
as letters, and thinks that the height of the door was 
increased, cutting off the rest of the text. The marks 
are much weathered, and it is doubtful if they are 
letters at all. Nor could I find (after careful examina- 
tion) any sign of the door having been altered. They 
are certainly not Egyptian signs, and if accepted 
would still prove nothing towards the improbable 
theory of Egyptian origin. 

A brief account of the Roman conquest of the 
holy city will close this narrative of the Greek age 
in Jerusalem. The power of Rome was constantly 
increasing in the north, as she successively defeated 
Mithridates of Pontus and Tigranes of Armenia ; and 
Pompey in 65 B.C. deposed Antiochus Asiaticus, last 
of the Seleucidae, and set up Antiochus of Commagene 

* Sir C, Wilson, "Orel. Survey Notes," 1865, p. 64, plate xxiv. lig. 4. 


in north-eastern Syria — a ruler half Greek, half 
Persian, whose remarkable tomb, with its valuable 
Greek texts, has been found on the Taurus north of 

Judea had been wisely ruled for nearly ten j^ears by 
Salome Alexandra, the widow of Alexander Jannaeus, 
supported by the Pharisees, who are first noticed 
as a Jewish sect in the time of Jonathan, but who 
now became the leaders of the nation, adding many 
traditions — which often seem to be of Persian rather 
than of Hebrew origin — to the law of Moses. The 
quarrels of the degenerate sons of Alexander Jannaeus, 
after the death of their mother in 69 b.c, gave a 
pretext to Pompey for interference in Jewish affairs. 
They at first agreed that Aristobulus the elder should 
be high-priest, and Hyrcanus the younger king. 
But the latter called to his aid the powerful Arab 
king Aretas (or Harith) from Petra, and Aristobulus 
offered Pompey a bribe of 400 talents for his support. 
So Scaurus was sent by the great conqueror of 
Armenia to settle the affairs of the Jews.^ 

Hyrcanus had been persuaded by Antipater the 
Idumaean, whom his father had made commander in 
Edom,^ to flee to Petra, and he thence returned with 
his Arab allies to besiege his brother in Jerusalem. 
Scaurus commanded them to depart, and leaving 
Aristobulus in the city, he returned to Damascus. 
Pompey, having subdued Tigranes, soon followed 
and marched to Jericho.^ Aristobulus was ready to 
submit to Pompey's demand that he should surrender 
his strongholds, but the Jerusalem Jews refused to 
admit the Roman envoy Gabinius within the walls of 
Jerusalem. The city at this time is described as 
having strong walls, and was only weak on the north, 

' Josephus, " Aut.," XIII. v. g, xvi. i 
- Ibid., XIV. i. 3, ii. I, 2. 
^ Ibid., XIV. iv. 1-2. 


where there was no deep outer valley. The patriotic 
party and the unhappy Aristobulus held the Temple, 
defended on the north by the citadel afterwards 
called Antonia, which had a deep ditch dug beneath 
great towers, and was also protected by a natural 
valley. The ditch still exists, and will be noticed 
again. The valley is to the east, and is an affluent of 
the Kidron, the existence of which was unknown 
before the excavations of Sir Charles Warren on the 
north and north-east sides of the Haram enclosure. 
The defenders also broke down the bridge leading 
from the upper city to the Temple hill, and — though 
the natural slopes of the ridge of Moriah were still 
visible on the west side — it is possible that there was 
already a wall between the city and the Temple. The 
voussoirs of this bridge lie jammed in the rock-cut 
aqueduct, 20 feet below the later Herodian pavement. 
Pompey attacked on the north, and, having broken 
in, besieged the Antonia citadel, partly filling in the 
fosse. Banks were raised, and battering-rams and 
catapults from Tyre battered the wall. On the fatal 
day of the fast or 27th of the 3rd month of the year 
6^ B.C. the Temple fell. But Pompey — unlike the 
rapacious Crassus, who plundered its riches in 55 b.c, 
when on his way to meet his fate in Parthia — refrained 
from pillaging it, though he entered the Holy of 
Holies, and saw in the holy place, the golden table, 
golden altar, and seven-branched lamp, with many 
other treasures. Jerusalem was made tributary to 
Rome ; Hyrcanus was set up in the stead of Aristo- 
bulus as high-priest ; and five local councils were 
established in Palestine under Gabinius, one of these 
being in the Holy City. 



The headless corpse of Pompey was tossing in the 
waves, off the coast of Egypt, fifteen years after his 
bloody conquest of Jerusalem, *' and there was none to 
bury him because he had scorned Him with dishonour : 
he remembered not that he was man, and considered 
not what was to come. He said, I will be lord of land 
and sea, and he knew not that God is great, mighty in 
His great power." ^ It is thus that a Jewish psalmist 
of Herod's time draws the moral of vengeance on the 
desecrator of the Holy of Holies. 

Antipater, the friend of Hyrcanus, helped Julius 
Caesar in his advance on Egypt in the same year, 
48 B.C., and was left in charge of Jewish affairs.^ His 
son Herod, who dared the Sanhedrin, and who distin- 
guished himself by subduing brigands near Tiberias, 
was set to govern Galilee. The growing power of 
this Idumaean family was hateful to the Hasmonaean 
party, and when Caesar was murdered in 44 b.c, 
Antipater was poisoned by the butler of Hyrcanus.^ 
But they had still to reckon with Herod, who revenged 
his father's death on Malichus, the Jewish general 
who had incited the deed. The Idumaeans — both 
father and son — were singularly astute in taking the 
right side during all the troubles that preceded and 
followed Caesar's death. Herod knew how greedy 

' Lucan, " Pharsalia," viii. 698-9, x. 380-1 ; "Psalms of Solomon," 
ii. 30-3; see Drummond, "Jewish Messiah," 1877, pp. 140-1. 
2 " Ant.,» XIV. viii. i. ^ Ibid., XIV. xi. 4. 



of money the Romans were, and he bribed in turn 
Cassius and Antony, yet succeeded later in holding 
power under Augustus. For peace, and strong 
government in Palestine, were needful to the Roman 
policy which made the Mediterranean an Italian lake, 
and the time was not yet ripe for direct rule. 

The republicans sent Cassius to Syria and Labienus 
to Parthia before they met with disaster at Philippi in 
42 B.C. The former became the patron of Antigonus — 
nephew of Hyrcanus — w^ho thus took the losing side, 
while Herod found a friend in Mark Antony. Two 
years later Labienus stirred up the Parthians to attack 
the new triumvir, and they marched on Palestine 
under Pacorus, the son of the Parthian king Orodes I. 
Herod had expelled Antigonus from Judea, but the 
latter joined the invaders and the Idumaean cause 
seemed hopeless. Herod sent his family for safety to 
the great fortress of Masada on the shores of the Dead 
Sea, and escaped to Egypt and to Rome, seeking aid 
from Antony. The Parthians gave over Hyrcanus to 
Antigonus as a prisoner, and the nephew cut off his 
uncle's ears, to prevent his ever again officiating as 
high-priest, for, when so mutilated, he could not fulfil 
priestly offices without breaking the law. Thus for 
three years Antigonus reigned in Jerusalem.^ 

Herod in Rome was recognised as king in 40 B.C. by 
Antony and Augustus ; and Ventidius was sent to 
drive back the Parthians. These were the events 
which led, three years later, to the siege of Jerusalem 
by Sosius and Herod, when the hated Idumaean, who 
was " only a private man " and only " half a Jew," was 
re-established by Roman power.^ It would seem clear 
that Josephus dates the thirty-seven years of Herod's 
reign from the time of his capture of the city in the 
summer of n B.C., his death thus occurring in i a.d. 
For he says that the battle of Actium — which was 

' "Ant.," XIV. -xiii. 3-10, ^ Ibid., XIV. xiv. 5, xv. 2, xvi. 1-4. 


fought on September 2, 31 b.c. — took place in Herod's 
seventh year/ and that he reigned thirty-four years 
after Antony had put Antigonus to death at Antioch.^ 
The siege began in a sabbatic year ^ — consequently in 
37 B.C. — and from this year the reign of Herod should 
be reckoned. Whiston has been followed by most 
modern writers in dating the reign from 40 e.g. ; yet, 
not only does this conflict with the date of the battle of 
Actium, but it also supposes that Antony was in Syria, 
and about to celebrate his triumph in Egypt, in i'] e.g., 
whereas he was then engaged in naval war off the 
Italian coast ; and, on the other hand, he was in Syria 
in 34 B.C., and held a triumph at Alexandria immediately 
after. The point is of great importance because it 
affects the date of the Nativity, of which recent writers 
have treated without any regard to the Gospel state- 
ment that Jesus was about to enter His thirtieth year 
in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, or 29 a.d.^ Matthew 
and Luke both make the Nativity precede the death of 
Herod; and on the " fifteenth of Tiberius " the Christian 
era was based by the Roman abbot, Dionysius 
Exiguus, in 532 a.d. He seems to have considered the 
evidence more carefully than Whiston did. An eclipse 
of the moon happened during the last illness of Herod, 
which Whiston identified with a small partial eclipse 
of March 13, 4 e.g. More probably it was the total 
eclipse of January 9, i e.g., that occurred before 
Herod's distemper became serious.^ 

The great army of Sosius and Herod attacked 
Jerusalem in 37 e.g., and as usual from the north. 
Three banks were erected, and engines were used 
by the besiegers and also by the besieged, who fought 

' "Ant.," XV. V. 2. » Ibid., XV. i. i. 

' Jhid., XIV. xvi. 2. That is eighteen sabbatic cycles after 163 B.C., 
which was a sabbatic year. 

* Matt. ii. I ; Luke i. 5, iii. I, 23. The date of the Crucifixion 
depends on whether the Ministry covered one or four years. 
•• Ant.," XVII. vi. 4. 


bravely in spite of famine and of the sabbatic year, 
mines and countermines being driven to meet. The 
north wall fell after forty days, and the wall of the 
upper city fifteen days later ; but the Temple still held 
out till some of the cloisters were set on fire, and the 
lower city and outer courts of the sanctuary taken. 
Antigonus then came down from the citadel (Antonia), 
and the siege ended on the same day on which Pompey 
had stormed the Temple twenty-six years earlier — that 
is, on Sivan 27, which would be early in June. 

Herod's reign was stained by many cruel crimes, 
but it cannot be denied that he was a strong and 
successful ruler, during whose time Jerusalem en- 
joyed prosperity and peace, and was adorned by 
many new buildings of great magnificence. His 
principal works included the new Temple, and the 
royal palace in the upper city, defended by the three 
"royal towers," Hippicus, Phasaelus, and Mariamne. 
Antonia also was rebuilt, and a theatre was erected 
in the city. In describing these buildings we are 
able to check the accounts given in the works of 
Josephus and in the Mishnah by actually existing 
remains, visible on the surface or unearthed by ex- 
plorers. The account of Herod's Temple in the 
Mishnah is so fully detailed as to allow of a plan 
being made. The statements were written down at 
Tiberias in our second century, and in this form are 
later than the "Wars of the Jews" composed about 
75 A.D., and than the " Antiquities of the Jews," 
written about 93 a.d., both at Rome; but the Mishnah 
quotes the words of rabbis who were youths when 
the Temple was destroyed in 70 a.d.* 

• Eleazar, son of Jacob, died about 130 a.d., and is quoted in 
Middoth, i. 9 ; Rabbi Meier was about the same age (quoted Midd., 
ii. 2) ; Rabbi Eleazar, son of Zadok {Midd., iii. 8) died about 120 a.d. 
See Chiarini, " Talmud de Babylone," 1831, pp. 105-7. Nothing is 
said above of the pretended description by Aristeas, as the work is 
well known to be a forgery. 


As regards Josephus, it is best to found a critical 
estimate of his writings on actual facts. Not only 
have I compared his statements about Jerusalem with 
extant remains of the city, but I have measured and 
planned other cities and buildings which he describes 
— at Samaria and Cassarea, at the fortress of Masada, 
and the round castle of Herodium, and at Jotapata, 
which he defended. I have carefully studied his 
Galilean topograph}^ and his accounts of the palace 
of Tyrus in Gilead, and of the spring of Callirrhoe, 
both of which I visited in 1881. The impression 
made by such studies is that the Jewish historian 
was honest and well informed ; that he had seen the 
places which he describes, and gives a generally 
reliable account. Our present text is often corrupt 
in numerals referring to dates and measurements, 
and Josephus (writing from memory in Rome, many 
years after the events described) is not always 
accurate in his estimate of dimensions, heights, and 
distances. The accounts of the Temple, by rabbis 
at Jamnia who were able to visit the ruins left by 
Titus, are to be preferred as more exact, but they 
do not conflict with the general account given by 
Josephus, and he could have had no object in mis- 
representing the facts, though — like other historians — 
he sometimes exaggerates the size of buildings, the 
numbers of enemies, and the value of treasures. 
These are small and natural blemishes in narratives 
which must always remain our chief source for this 
history. That he wilfull}^ misrepresented facts to 
please the Romans, or to excuse his own nation, 
there is no reason at all to suppose. His knowledge 
of Jerusalem topography was personal and con- 
temporary, and he is more likely to have known the 
facts than any scholar writing in tlie west of Europe 
or in America to-day. 

We may consider, therefore, by the light of exact 


surveys of the city and exact plans of its remains, 
and under the guidance of the rabbis and of Josephus, 
first the city in general, then the Temple and the 
fortress of Antonia, and finally the palaces and other 
buildings, and the alterations made in the water-supply 
in Herod's time. Our task has already been lightened 
by detailed consideration of the earlier topography. 

" The city stood on two opposite ridges, divided 
from each other by a central valley where the 
respective houses ended : of these ridges that which 
had the upper city on it was much the highest and 
widest. So it was called the citadel by King David, 
. . . but we call it the Upper Market-place. But the 
other, called Akra, and defending the lower city, 
was gibbous ; and opposite this was a third ridge, 
naturally lower than the Akra, and at first divided 
from it by a flat valley. . . . But the valley called 
Turopoion was that we have mentioned, separating 
the upper city and the lower ridge ; it reached to 
Siloam. . . . Outside, the two ridges of the city were 
girt with deep valleys, and — on account of the preci- 
pices on both sides — access was impossible." * 

It is difficult to see how this description can be 
understood in any other way than that described in 
the preceding chapter. The upper city was David's 
citadel, and that to the north was the citadel of the 
Macedonian garrison. The account goes on - to tell 
us that : " The old wall was hard to be taken, both on 
account of the valleys, and of the hill above them on 
which it was built. But besides the great advantage 
of situation, it was also very strongly built, because 
David and Solomon and the succeeding kings were 
very zealous about this work. Now this wall began 
at the tower called Hippikos, and reached as far as a 
place called Xustos, and adjoining the Council-house 
ended at the west cloister of the Temple. But if we 

' "Wars," V. iv. i, translated from the Greek. ^ Ibid., iv. 2. 


go the other way, on the west side, it extended 
through a place called Bethso to the Gate of the 
Essenes, and then on the south side, it bent above 
the fountain of Siloam, and there again bent, facing 
east over the Pool of Solomon, and reached as far as 
a certain place which they called Ophla, where it was 
joined to the east cloister of the Temple. But the 
second [wall] had its beginning from a gate which 
they called Gennath, being of the first wall, and 
encircling the north quarter only, it went on as far 
as Antonia." 

Very few words are necessary to explain this 
account, which agrees with that of the city walls 
as rebuilt by Nehemiah. Hippicus was the most 
western of the three " royal towers," and stood at 
the north-west angle of the upper city. It defended 
the narrow neck which separated the broad Tyropoeon 
from the head of the Gai, or Hinnom gorge. The 
Hasmonaean Valley joined the Tyropoeon from the 
north, on the west of the Temple, and the two 
together descended rapidly to Siloam, separating the 
upper city from the Ophel. The north face of the old 
wall ran on a precipitous rock, and the Xystos lay 
north of the great T^Topoeon bridge. The name of 
the place on the south-west side of the upper city 
" called Bethso " is generally supposed to mean 
" House of Dung," being near the old Dung Gate, 
which seems here to be called the Gate of the 
Essenes. The wall ran " above " Siloam ; and "Solo- 
mon's Pool " was the Kidron spring — the Gihon where 
he was anointed. Ophla is the Aramaic form of the 
Hebrew Ophel, and the course of the wall here 
coincides with the line of fortification discovered by 
Sir Charles Warren. As to the second wall, the 
description is brief because the wall was short in 
extent. The junction with Antonia must have been 
at the north-west angle of that fortress, for the great 


counterscarp of the fosse which defended it on the 
north is known to continue some way west of the 
fortress, thus forming the counterscarp of the north 
wall as well. No bends or angles are noticed, but, 
on the contrary, it is said to ** encircle " the north 
ridge. The name of the Gate Gennath is usually 
thought to mean " the Garden Gate," but not impos- 
sibly it may stand for the " Gehenna Gate," and it 
answers to the old " Valley Gate." The second wall 
— as already urged — must have crossed the saddle 
near Hippicus, but the junction was not exactly at 
that tower, where was a smaller postern.^ As the 
Gennath Gate was in the first wall, there was evidently 
a re-entering angle, and in later times the third wall 
started from Hippicus, but was " not joined on " to 
the second wall. 

It is very doubtful whether any remains of the 
masonry of the two walls have as yet been found. 
The precipices on which the north wall of the upper 
city stood are traceable, in places, as far as that from 
which the Tyropceon bridge started. The scarps on 
the south-west of the upper city, and on the south, 
and at Siloam, have already been described as they 
existed in the time of Nehemiah, and earlier. The 
Ophel wall discovered by Sir Charles Warren is, in 
his opinion, later than the (Herodian) wall of the east 
cloister of the Temple, near which it was also found 
to be based not on rock but on red earth. The stones, 
as he states, appear to have belonged to a former wall, 
and the first 20 feet from the foundation are of "rough 
rubble of moderate dimensions." Similar rough rubble 
was found by Mr. Bliss at the base of the south wall of 
the upper city.^ This might represent early work, on 

' " Wars," V. vi. 5, vii. 3. This postern may have been the Corner 
Gate ; see back, chap. iv. p. 82. Distinguishing this from the Valley 
Gate, the city had twelve gates in all. 

-' " Recovery of Jer.," 1871, pp. 149, 299, 300; Bliss, " Excav. at 
Jer.," 1898, p. 29, and plate iv. 


which the later Byzantine wall was built ; but the 
drafted masonry shown to me by Dr. Guthe, in 1881, 
on Ophel and at Siloam, was certainly not older than 
the fourth century a.d., yet appears to be similar in 
all respects to that found b}^ Warren and Bliss. It 
seems to be certain that the old wall of Jerusalem 
has disappeared, and that very little can exist except 
the wall that Eudocia built about 450 a.d., which did 
not follow the line described in the Book of Nehemiah, 
and by Josephus, as crossing the Tyropceon " above" 

In the same way it is also doubtful if any remains 
of the "second wall" on the north side of the upper 
city still exist. The Rev. Selah Merrill ^ gives a 
drawing of a wall found south of the Holy Sepulchre 
Church, and about 20 feet below the surface, which he 
thinks to have been that built by Jonathan (as already 
noticed) in the middle of the city. He also claims - 
to have been the discoverer of another wall which 
runs northwards to the west of the " Pool of the 
Bath," and which was uncovered in 1885 and re- 
ported by Herr Konrad Schick. Both these walls 
have drafted masonry, but neither has, unfortunately, 
been described in detail, or photographed, so that it is 
impossible to say what their age may be. The latter 
wall runs approximately where we might expect to 
find the second wall, but drafted masonry of much 
this kind was used both by Romans and by later 
Byzantines, and these remains may possibly belong- 
to the city of Hadrian. There is no doubt that — as at 
Rome also — the old masonry was re-used later in other 
buildings ; and when we consider how entirely the 
mighty Temple fane has disappeared, not one stone 
being left on another of the Holy House itself, we 

' "Ancient Jerusalem," 1908, p. 297. 

* Ibid., p. 23. The remains of an old wall outside the Damascus Gate 
date only from the twelfth century, and will be noticed later. 


must conclude that the destruction of the city in 70 a. d. 
was singularly complete, and the effacement of its 
remains afterwards increased by local pillage of the 

There are, however, two buildings in which Herod- 
ian masonry still stands in situ — namely, first in the 
great outer walls of the Haram enclosure, and secondly 
at the great tower now called " David's Tower," 
which is probably the Phasaelus tower of Josephus. 
The Haram walls claim our special attention. 

This magnificent masonry, with stones 3 feet (and 
in one course 6 feet) high, and often 20 feet long,^ 
beautifully finished with the Greek draft, and a 
dressing to the stone- w^hich is nowhere else found 
except in the sister sanctuary at Hebron, is familiar 
to visitors. The joints are exact, and no mortar was 
used. The wall above the level of the inner area was 
adorned (just as at Hebron) by buttresses, at intervals 
of ID cubits. Two of these I discovered in 1873, at 
the north-west angle, but elsew^here all the upper 
rampart was thrown down, though the lower part 
resisted all attempts at destruction, and the strong- 
south-east corner remained — after 70 a.d. — standing up 
alone like a " pinnacle." 

There are minor differences in this masonry, 
according as it was intended to be visible above 
ground or hidden under the earth. The stones have 
rough bosses, on the east and west walls, where they 
were covered over ; and spoilt stones were used up in 
the foundations of the east wall (near the south-east 
angle), also below the level of the red earth outside 
the wall. The stones were not only finished in the 
quarry, but were inspected before they were put in 

' One at south-west angle is 38 leet 9 inches ; another at north-east 
angle 23 feet 8 inches long. 

* The drafts, and a border 3 inches wide on the block, are worked 
with a comb of ei^ht teeth to the inch in two directions, making a criss- 
cross pattern. The remainder is finely finished with a point. 


the wall, as Sir Charles Warren proved, by noticing 
that the trickle of the red paint used in the texts 
written on the stones runs upwards, and not down, 
on the stone as it now stands. This masonry is found 
in situ on three walls, but not on the north side of the 
Haram, where a wall of rougher Roman work runs 
west to the rocky scarp of Antonia, which bounds the 
court on the north-west. Sir Charles Warren also 
discovered that the east wall does not stop at the 
present north-east angle, and that there was no corner 
there till the Roman north wall was built — a point of 
great importance as regards the study of the Temple 

Still more important are the red-paint texts which 
he found on the spoilt stones. The two longest of 
these are on the third stone of the second course, 
and on the tenth stone of the fifth course,' respectively, 
in the east wall, counting from the foundation and 
from the south-east angle. They are clearly inscrip- 
tions in a Semitic script, yet the}' have never been 
read, partly because they were supposed to be Phoe- 
nician. They, however, present the characters of the 
Aramean alphabets used at Jerusalem and among 
Nabatheans. The first of these texts probably reads 
" carelessly chiselled," and the stone has no draft at 
the top but one of double width at the bottom. The 
second text may be read, " for covering up, removal 
of it," and this stone also is imperfect, the bottom 
draft being too narrow. Not only do these trans- 
lations agree with the fact that the spoilt stones were 
covered over in the foundations, but the characters 
attest the fact that they were hewn in the later age 
of Herod, and not in the earlier time of Solomon — 
a conclusion which agrees with the character of the 
masonry. Had these texts been written in the clearer 

^ See Sir C. Warren's plates accompanying the " Memoir (Jerusalem 














z J 

■2. J 


















J 6 












O 6 







f P 




^ 4 ^ 










From Sir C. 

Warren's copies. 








p. ii£ 


alphabet of the Siloam Inscription or of the Moabite 
Stone, they would no doubt have been read long ago ; 
but they are rudely scrawled in the more slovenly 
script of the Aramean alphabet used in Herod's 

The evidence of the masonry and of the inscriptions 
thus serves to confirm the conclusion of de Vogue 
that these walls were built by Herod the Great. 
The south-west angle of the Haram is identified with 
that of Herod's enclosure by the existence of the 
Tyropoeon bridge, which led to the south cloister of 
the Temple in his time. The south wall is fixed by 
the existence of the two Huldah (or " Mole ") Gates, 
and the south-east corner by the recovery of the line 
of the Ophel wall, which joined the cast cloister of 
the Herodian enclosure. The excavations showed that 
no ancient city wall existed farther west. The north- 
west angle is, in like manner, fixed by the recovery 
of the ancient west wall, with its buttresses built 
against the Antonia scarp. Only the north wall of 
the Temple thus remains to be fixed, and Sir Charles 
Warren discovered the ancient valley which defended 
Antonia on the east, and which runs to the Kidron 
across the north-east part of the Haram enclosure. 
In his recent plan - he excludes this part from the old 
enclosure, and there can be little doubt that some 
5 acres were here added later to the original 30 acres 
of the outer courts. The present north wall is Roman 
or B^^zantine, and the cisterns within it are of modern 
masonry. Antonia projected as a smaller oblong 
quadrangle on the north-west, and thus — as Josephus 

' Text No. I, tCa k^ak'ai, "carelessness of brand" (Lev. xix. 28). 
Text No. 2, I^-att ^an Ic-ii, "for covering, removal to it." The other 
markings seem to be initials of words — e.g. K twice for K a (" careless- 
ness ") ; .9 twice for S'an ("removal"); and //twice incised, perhaps 
for hata ("error"), or for haba ("hide"). Altogether ten out of 
twenty-two letters of the alphabet occur in these texts. 

' "Murray's Bible Diet.," 1908, s.v. "Temple," p. 876, 


relates ' — when the Antonia cloisters were destroyed 
the "temple became quadrangular," being roughly 
about I, GOO feet either way. The line of its original 
north wall - may be best drawn along the line of the 
north side of the platform surrounding the Dome of 
the Rock, where an ancient scarp with projecting 
buttresses was found by Sir Charles Warren in 1868; 
and the rock outside this scarp is at least 20 feet 
lower, which makes it about 40 feet below the level 
of the Sakhrah crest. 

Besides these remains of the walls we have those 
of the south-west gatehouse, which is now known as 
the " Double Gate," and these are of peculiar interest 
as regards the architectural character of Herod's 
Temple ; for Fergusson, de Vogiie, and other autho- 
rities regard the interior hall at this gateway as being 
of the Herodian age. The original gate was double, 
with a central pier supporting two great lintel stones, 
to which an arched cornice was added above in the 
Byzantine age, on the outside. The hall floor is on 
the level of the rock outside, and the gate was under- 
ground, a passage leading up north from the back of 
the gatehouse to the surface of the courts within, 
under the royal cloister. The present " Triple Gate," 
which was altered later, seems originally to have had 
the same plan, and these two gates were called Huldah 
(" mole "), because of their subterranean character. 
The Double Gate hall has a monolithic pillar in its 
centre, of such girth as to agree with the description 
by Josephus of columns " such that three men might 
with their arms extended measure round "^ — a fact 
which I verified by experiment. The hall measures 
40 feet (30 cubits) east and west, by 54 feet (40 cubits) 

» " Wars," VI. V. 4. 

' " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., 1883, p. 223 ; " Recov. 
Jer.," p. 219. 

' "Ant.," XV. xi. 5, referring to the royal cloister. 


north and south. Fhit arches spring from the central 
pillar on each side, and four fiat domes are thus 
supported, forming the roof of the hall.' The capital 
of the pillar is remarkable, with acanthus leaves and 
lotus leaves in low relief. One of the domes has also 
a very interesting ornamentation with geometrical 
designs connected by a vine : an outer circle of corn 
ears and rosettes, with other details, present just that 
style which we find in the Jerusalem tombs of the 
Herodian age — half Greek, half Jewish. 

This interesting hall compares also in general style 
with another temple built in the time of Herod the 
Great. Jehovah was not to him the One God : at 
Samaria and Caesarea he erected shrines to the genius 
of the " divine Augustus," and at Si'a in the east 
of Bashan he was honoured in a temple to the 
Syrian deity Ba'al-shemin, which still exists in ruins 
planned by de Vogue, with Greek texts and fragments 
of others in Nabathean characters (like those just 
considered), which were copied by Waddington. This 
building is of such importance for comparison that 
a short description may be given.^ This temple was 
40 cubits (54 feet) square, with steps on the east 
leading down to a court of the same size, having a 
single cloister on each side, except where the porch 
of the building opened to the court. The temple 
gate (24 cubits wide) was adorned by a vine sculp- 
tured above it and on the sides ; a dove perches on 
the vine, and an eagle spreads its wings under the 

' " Ord. Survey Notes," plate xvi. figs, i, 2. 

* For plan, elevation, and details, see plates ii. and iii., de Vogiie, " Syrie 
Centrale." For Greek texts, Waddington, " Inscrip. de la Syrie," 1870, 
pp. 540, 541, Nos. 2364-2369. No. 2366 is specially valuable as having a 
bilingual in Aramaic on the base. This gives 'AbisJicth ("dry region ") 
as the local name — Greek Obeisa — and M'airu (" 6'<?^-fearing ") for 
the Greek Moairos, with Malikath (" royal ") for Maleichathos. Wad- 
dington supposes that the temple may have been raised by Idumaeans 
(" Ant.," XVI. ix. 2, 3). We have already seen that a Malichus lived 
jn the time of Herod, 


soffit of the cornice. The side pillars have semi- 
Corinthian capitals with human busts between the 
volutes, and the design of the bases is very like 
that of the capital at the "Double Gate." The steps 
are guarded by small lions. The head of the heaven 
god (Ba'al-shemin), surrounded with rays, was over 
the gate, and flanking pilasters of Ionic order are 
surmounted by other busts. Gazelles and a saddled 
horse are elsewhere carved, and the whole is clearly 
a pagan structure, though in many respects it recalls 
Herod's Jerusalem temple. The masonry is well 
squared and of good size, but not drafted. 

There are here seven Greek texts, the first of 
which was on a statue of Herod which has been 
entirely destroyed by some one w^ho hated the tyrant. 
Only a foot remains, whereas other busts at the 
site have not been injured. The inscription is com- 
plete : " I, Malikath, son of Mo'airu, put up this statue 
at my own costs to the Lord Herod the King." No 
other Herod save the son of Antipater reigned in 
this part of Bashan, and the text must (from the 
word Kurios) have been written during his reign. 
The second inscription is later, but hardly less in- 
teresting, referring to Agrippa H. (48-100 a.d.). " To 
the great king Agrippa, friend of Caesar, the pious, the 
friend of Rome, born of the great king Agrippa, 
the friend of Caesar, the pious, the friend of Rome, 
Aphareus a freedman and Agrippa a son placed this." 
The third text runs : " The people of the Obaisenes 
[dwellers in the dry region'\ in honour of Malikath, 
son of Mo'airu, on account of justice and piety, 
placed this on the temple." The fourth says : " The 
people of Si'a in common put this up to Mali- 
kath, son of Ausu, son of Mo'airu, because he made 
the temple and what surrounds it." The name of 
the founder occurs in two other short texts, on a 
cornice and above the temple gate. 


The extent, the masonry, the inscriptions, and the 
architecture of Herod's Temple at Jerusalem have 
thus been considered without reference to literary 
statements, on the evidence of existing remains, and 
by comparison with the style, the arrangement, and 
the Aramaic and Greek texts, of a contemporary 
building. That Greek texts also existed in the Jeru- 
salem Temple is proved by M. Clermont-Ganneau's 
discovery of one of the very stones mentioned by 
Josephus.^ It reads, in fine Greek lettering and in 
the Greek language : 

"No foreigner is to approach within the balustrade 
[tntphaktos] round the temple and the peribolos. 
Whosoever is caught will be guilty of his own 
death which will follow." 

The Jewish historian says that "when you went 
through these cloisters to the second temple there 
was a balustrade \druphaktos\ made of stone, all 
round, the height of which was 3 cubits. Upon 
it stood stelai at equal distances from one another 
declaring the law of purity, some in Greek and some 
in Roman letters, that ' no foreigner may go within 
the sanctuary,' " ^ This comparison serves to increase 
our confidence in Josephus. He is also evidently 
correct in saying that the pillars of the Royal Cloister 
were of the Corinthian order, and the great shafts 
(3 feet in diameter) re-used — as will appear later — in 
the Aksa Mosque, by the Byzantines, may once have 
belonged to this cloister. 

Josephus appears to have supposed that the courts 
of Solomon's Temple extended 400 cubits in length, 
lie says that " Herod took away the old foundations 
and laid others," and that " the cloisters were rebuilt 
by Herod from the foundations." He " encompassed 

' " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jersualem vol., p. 423; Josephus, "Wars," 
V. V. 2. He means that some of the warnings were in Latin, some in 
Cireek. The expression in tlie inscription mcthena allogenc is the 
same practically as the tnedena allophiilon (" no foreigner ") of Josephus. 


a piece of land about [the Temple] with a wall, which 
land was twice as large as that before enclosed." 
This increase, however, may refer to the flat ground, 
which was largely increased by banking up earth 
over vaults within the ramparts ; for in these later 
times " the people added new banks, and the hill 
became a larger plain." The compass of Herod's 
enclosure Josephus estimates at 4 furlongs (or 600 
feet each side), and again, including Antonia, at 6 
furlongs. The increase on the north side, where was 
taken in an area apparently as large as that of the 
inner courts of the Temple, must have occurred when 
Baris or Antonia was first built.^ If Josephus means 
by the " four furlongs " the space inside the dividing 
balustrade he is not far out, though the measurement 
of 500 cubits square, given in the Mishnah,- and 
representing about 666 feet, may be more exact. The 
Temple itself did not stand — according to the rabbis 
— exactly in the middle of this space. There was 
most distance on the south, secondly on the east, 
thirdly on the north, and least naturally on the west, 
where the Priests' Court was narrow behind the Holy 
House, and where the rock slope was most abrupt. 
A mediaeval Talmudic commentary even gives us 
the exact measurements, which are quite possibly 
correct, but the authority is not stated.^ It is, how- 
ever, in accordance with the position of the Sakhrah 
that the surrounding balustrade should have been 
nearest to the Holy House on the west and north, 
as it is described in the Mishnah to have been. 
The dimensions of the outer enclosure, corre- 

> " Ant," VIII. iii. 9 ; " Wars," V. v. 1,2; " Ant.," XV. xi. 3 ; " Wars," I. 
xxi. I. Josephus exaggerates the height of the walls, unless he means 
the command above the Kidron Valley. 

* Mishnah, Aliddoth, ii. i. Abarbanel on this passage says, "The 
mountain was indeed much larger than 500 cubits would contain either 
way, but the sanctity did not extend outside this." 

' See my " Handbook to Bible," p. 371. Tosephoth Yom Tob. 


spending to the present Haram, are nowhere given 
by ancient writers. The part outside the balustrade 
was the Court of the Gentiles, and the walls enclosed 
a quadrangle about 1,000 feet side,^ roughly speaking. 
Including the inner courts of Antonia, the total area 
was about 30 acres. The position of the Holy House 
— already explained — with the Sakhrah as the "found- 
ation stone" of the Holy of Holies, agrees exactly 
with the levels of the Temple courts as represented 
by those of the rock ; for the number of steps to 
various gates is given in the Mishnah, and these steps 
were all half a cubit high,^ or about 8 inches each. In 
addition to this, the subterranean passage from the 
House Moked (on the north) comes exactly in the 
right place, as does the tank on the south of the 
Priests' Court. These details require special notice, 
as confirming the view here advocated as to the exact 
site of the Temple. 

The measurements given in the tract Middoth 
(** measures ") are systematic, and leave no doubt as 
to the relative size, position, or levels of the Holy 
House and its courts. A cubit of 16 inches not only 
accords with rabbinical statements, but seems also 
(from the dimensions of the stones, and the space 
between buttresses, the size of the " Double Gate " 
hall, and the levels of the rock) to have been very 
clearly the unit used in the Temple, as well as in 
the Siloam aqueduct. The Holy House stood in the 
Priests' Court, v/ith the Altar before it on the east. 
Its floor was 8 feet above that of this court, and the 
level of the latter was thus 2,432 feet above sea-level, 

• The exact measures are : south wall of Haram, 922 feet outside ; 
east wall, 1,530 to the Koman north-east corner ; west wall to Antonia, 
1,601 feet ; nortli wall, 1,042 feet. The north-east and south-west angles 
are right angles ; the south-east angle measures 92^°. The old scarp 
on north side of the platform is about 1,180 feet north of the south 

' Mishnah, Middoth, ii. 3: "All steps were half a cubit high." 


or 8 feet below that of the crest of the Sakhrah. 
This is the actual level of the rock east of the 
Sakhrah where known, and is just under the platform 
pavement. The Priests' Court measured 187 cubits 
east and west, and 135 north and south ; ten steps led 
up to the southern gates, which shows that the surface 
outside was here nearly 7 feet lower than the court. 
The rock is known to have this level in the mouth 
of the tank just outside the court on the south side. 
East of the Priests' Court was a narrow walk at a 
lower level which was called the Court of Israel, 
but which was only intended for the representative 
men of Israel, whose duty it was to attend the daily 
services. Beyond this was the Court of the Women 
(135 cubits square), where the Jews with their wives 
assembled, especially at festivals. It had cloisters on 
the north, south, and east, and a gallery for women 
over that on the east. The great Gate Nicanor led 
to this court from the level of the Priests' Court. It 
had 15 steps, so that the Court of the Women was 
10 feet lower than that of the Priests. The level of 
the rock is known — east of the modern platform — to 
be about 2,420 feet above the sea, or 12 feet below 
the Priests' Court. Thus not more than 2 feet of 
foundation and pavement are needed. Beyond this 
court the rock is somewhat lower, and the natural 
surface was no doubt allowed to remain outside the 
court for some distance, and was banked up near 
the outer walls, to the present levels of the enclosure 
outside the platform. 

It appears, however, that on the north-west side of 
the Priests' Court the rock had been cut down to 
form the inner court of Antonia. It is everywhere 
visible on the surface in this direction, at the level 
2,433 feet above the sea, which we have seen to have 
been that of the Priests' Court. The House Moked, 
therefore, required no outer steps. Josephus seems 


to allude to this when he speaks of there being no 
steps towards the west, and in his account of the 
final siege of the Temple^; for the Romans battered 
the wall of the inner court at this point. Moked 
(" hearth ") was the great north-west gatehouse, pro- 
jecting from the wall of the Priests' Court. From its 
north-west chamber a winding staircase (perhaps 
wooden) led down to a gallery, which extended to 
the Gate Tadi (or Tari) in the outer wall of the 
Temple enclosure, and which communicated with 
the " bath-house." It is described as being under the 
birah, or " fortress," and under the liil, or " rampart," 
outside the Priests' Court.' If the Temple stood 
over the Sakhrah, this gallery exactly coincides with 
an existing rock passage 24 feet wide (18 cubits), 
and now 130 feet long, the bottom being 30 feet 
beneath the surface of the present platform. De- 
scending into this gallery — now converted into a 
tank — I found that the south wall, as well as those 
at the sides, was of rock, but that the north end 
was blocked by a rough masonry wall, so that the 
passage does not extend farther south, but may run 
north to the line of the old north wall of the outer 
rampart. To the west of this gallery is another 
curious excavation which probably was the " bath- 
house." Producing the directions of these two 
galleries, they meet just where the old north v/all 
ran, and this must be the position of the Gate l^adi. 

The Priests' Court had three gates on the north and 
three on the south,^ and near the " Water Gate," on the 

' Josephus, " Wars," V. ii. 5, VI. i. 8, ii. 7, iv. i. The south-east part 
of the platform of tlie Dome of the Rock is supported probably by vaults. 
The entrance to these, on the east, was visible in 1881, though built up. 

• Mishnah, Middoth, i. 6-9. 

^ Ibid., i. 4. On north the gates iV/57<^(" projecting"), Koi-ban ("gift'')i 
and Moked (^'\\Q2i\\}[\"), enumerated from east to west; on the south 
/)rt/rt^ ("burning"), Korban {" g\W^, and /l//w(" waters"). The chamber 
of the draw-well {gulah) was on south near the last (v. 4). See Tumid, i. 4. 


south, was the " Chamber of the Draw-well," where 
apparently a wheel and rope were used to draw water. 
There is a great rock-cut tank still in use just outside 
the line of the south wall of the Priests' Court. Taking 
these two indications of position with the levels, it 
appears to me evident that the exact position of the 
Temple is fixed by the existing remains of its sub- 
terranean excavations, as I first suggested in 1878. 

The general appearance of the Temple and its 
courts is best understood by means of the excellent 
model made by Miss M. A. Duthoit.^ The most 
striking feature is the manner in which the courts 
are dwarfed by the huge square pylon of the Holy 
House, the flat roof being 150 feet above the level of 
the Priests' Court. The roof was finished by a simple 
cornice, but the effect of the great mass was unbroken 
by any other adornment, save the golden vine running 
above and at the sides of the high eastern portal with 
its heavy veil. 

All the gates were gilded except that of Nicanor, 
which stood above the round flight of fifteen steps on 
which the " songs of degrees " are said to have been 
chanted. This gate was plated with electrum — a 
mixture of gold and "silver. It was presented by 
Nicanor, a Jew, and the ossuary containing the bones 
of his family was found, a few years since, by Miss 
Gladys Dixon in a tomb on the Mount of Olives.- 
It bears a text in Greek : " Bones of those of the 
Nicanor Alexandreos who made the gates," with 
the words " Nikanor Aleksa" beneath, in Hebrew. 
This great gate-house faced the Women's Court on 
the west. The court had four roofless enclosures 
40 cubits square, divided ofi" by pillars, one at each 
corner. In that to the south-east the Nazirites 

' For plan and details, see Constantine I'Empereur, Codex Middoth, 
1630; and Conder's "Handbook to the Bible" (3rd edit. 1882), pp. 
359-86. For model (Religions Tract Society), see Frontispiece. 

- Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, April 1903, p. 126, Oct. 1903, p. 326. 


100 r.n 

p. 128] 


Sr;iIo of Feet. 



Scale of Cubits. 

herod's temple. 

Block plan with rock levels 



assembled, and wood for the altar was stacked in 
that opposite on the north-east. In the south-west 
enclosure the oil for the Temple lamps was stored, 
and into that to the north-west lepers were brought 
from outside, in order that they might show themselves 
to the priests at the Gate Nicanor. 

The " Mountain of the House," as the outer rampart 
is called in the Mishnah, had five gates — or eight, 
according to Josephus. On the south were the two 
Huldah Gates already described. On the east was 
the Gate Shushan opposite the Temple; it is said to 
have been adorned by a representation of " Shushan 
the palace." On the west was Kipunos, which bore 
a Greek name signifying " adornment." This may 
have been the " Beautiful Gate," ^ and was the main 
entrance — probably at the end of the bridge leading to 
the Royal Cloister. Josephus says that besides this 
gate two others led to the " suburbs," and a fourth 
to the " other city " (near the Akra) " where the road 
descended down the valley by a great number of 
steps." ^ These gates are still to be seen, one near 
the Tyropceon bridge, now called the " Prophet's 
Gate," with a subterranean passage like those of the 
Huldah Gates ; the next to the north at the present 
" Gate of the Chain," where an ancient causeway on 
arches was discovered by Sir Charles Warren. The 
fourth gate — farthest north — has been converted into 
a tank, but the opening through the Herodian wall 
still exists. It was immediately west of the Holy 
House, for it lies between the Sakhrah and the " Pool 
of the Bath," where there is now an accumulation 
of 90 feet of rubbish over the rock. The street 
must have here descended rapidly southwards, to pass 

' Acts iii. 2. 

' Middoth, i. 3 ; "Ant.," XV. xi. 5. The Bible mentions the Parhharim 
or "suburbs" (2 Kings xxiii. il), close to the Temple. Standard 
records of the greater and lesser cubit were kept at the Gate Shushan 
(Mishnah, Tohoroth, xvii. 9). 



under the arches of the causeway and of the Tyropoeon 
bridge — which accounts for the notice of steps in the 

The gate on the north is called Tadi in some texts 
of the Mishnah, and Tari in others. The first word 
means " secret," and the other " new." The secret 
passage from Antonia to the East Gate of the Temple ^ 
no doubt started at this gate, and was identical with 
that already described as leading to Tadi, and to the 
bath-house, from Moked. The passage between that 
gate-house and Nicanor, w^hich would enable Herod 
to reach the Court of the Women, is unknown, and 
perhaps only led along the north cloister of the Priests' 
Court, or outside it. There was also a secret passage 
from Herod's palace in the upper city which has been 
traced. This led to the gate at the causeway on the 

The dread of divine displeasure rendered the service 
of the Temple one of fear and trembling.^ In the 
darkness, before dawn, the " man of the mountain 
of the house " went his rounds to visit the priests and 
Levites who guarded the sanctuary by night. At 
cock-crow the huge altar was first cleansed, by the 
priest to whom the lot fell. From the Gate-house 
Moked he went in the dim light of the three great fires 
of fig-tree vi'ood, nut, and pine, which glov^^ed under 
the ashes. His brethren listened to hear the creaking 
of the wheel of the draw-well, as he sanctified his 
hands and feet. Then they came running to aid him, 
taking away the unburnt fragments of sacrifices, 
heaping up the ashes, and feeding the undying flame. 
As the red light spread behind the dark mountains 
of Moab, southwards " towards Hebron," the}^ brought 

• "Ant.,"XV. xi. 7. 

» SirC. Wilson, " Ord. Survey Notes," 1864, p. 60; "Mem. West Pal. 
Survey," Jerusalem vol., pp. 203-6, 270, 

* Mishnah, Middoth, i. 2 ; Voma, i. 8, ii. 2 ; Tamid, i. 2-iii. 8, vii. I. 


out and slew the lamb of the "perpetual" sacrifice 
each morning, and prepared the incense and the shevv- 

On the dread Day of Atonement ^ the high-priest 
was supported to the Holy House by two priests, 
while a third laid hold of one of the jewels on his 
shoulder. The sound of the golden bells was heard 
as he went alone within the inner veil, but priests and 
people w^aited in awe-stricken silence, till he came out 
to bless them by the very name of lahu, and to send 
forth the goat bearing the sins of the nation to the 
grim precipice of Suk — a mountain visible from Olivet 
— which rises over the Desert of Judah. Yet more 
rarely — perhaps only seven times in the period 
between Ezra and Herod — he left the Temple by the 
Shushan Gate, and passing over a high wooden 
causeway, ascended Olivet to burn the red heifer. 
Its ashes were mingled with water from Siloam, 
brought to the Temple, it is said, by innocent boys 
mounted on oxen, with much fear lest these should 
tread on some "grave of the depth," or hidden tomb, 
and so defile the children who rode them, and who 
had been born in the outer court of the sanctuary. 
Without these ashes there was no purification for 
Israel from defilement by the dead. They were stored 
partly on Olivet and partly in the Temple. 

The Feast of Booths was a time of rejoicing rather 
than of fear. It was then that the king, once a year, 
read the law to the people from a pulpit in the Court 
of the Women, and it is said that Agrippa I. wept at 
the words " Thou mayest not set a stranger over thee 
which is not of thy brethren," touching the hearts of 
the people, who shouted, "Thou art our brother — thou 
art our brother." - For did he not yearly bear the 
basket of first fruits, when the bull with gilded horns 

' Yoma, iv. i, v. 2 ; Sukkah, v. 1-3; Parah, iii. 2-5, 11 ; Solah, i. 5. 
' Miahnah, Sotah, vii. 8. 


was brought to the Temple, and " the pipe played 
before them till they came to the mountain of the 
house"? At "Tabernacles" also the pipes played 
at the feast of the "water-drawing," when four golden 
lamps lighted up the Court of the Women, and Levites 
stood on the fifteen steps of Nicanor chanting the 
fifteen " songs of degrees," while " pious and prudent 
men danced with torches in their hands, singing 
psalms and hymns before the people." Two priests 
blew the rams' horns in the court, and when they 
reached the Nicanor Gate they sang : 

" Our fathers who were in this place 
Turned their backs on the House, 
And their faces were towards the east, 
And they worshipped the rising sun.' 

But we turn to Adonai, 

On Adonai are our eyes." 

The paganism of Rome penetrated, however, even 
into the temple of Jehovah. The golden eagle — 
emblem of the empire — " erected over the great gate 
of the Temple," was not cut down till rumour arose 
that Herod was dying.^ It perhaps spread its wings 
on the soffit of the lintel, as at Baalbek and Si'a. The 
money-changers who — for a small charge — changed 
old half-shekels for the new ones, which alone could 
be given for the Temple tax,^ and the sellers of doves, 
were established in " shops " in the outer cloisters, 
and made the Holy House a "den of thieves." The 
great fortress, built to defend the Temple on the north, 
and to guard the sacred robes of the high-priest, was 
held under Idumaeans and Romans by a foreign garrison 
overawing the people. This fortress of Antonia requires 
a special description. 

The former citadel, Baris, was rebuilt by Herod, 
and renamed Antonia after Mark Antony. The ridge 

' Ezek. viii. i6. 

■ "Ant.," XVII. vi. 2; "Wars," I. xxxiii. 3. 

' Mishnah, Shekalim, i. 3, 6, 7, iii. 2, vi. 4, 5. 


rose naturally about 30 feet higher than the level of 
the Priests' Court, stretching on the north to the hill 
of Bezetha, or the new north-east quarter of the city, 
not as yet walled in. The citadel was divided off from 
this hill by a trench with vertical scarps cut in the 
rock : it was 60 feet deep and 165 feet wide. A great 
block of rock was left standing within this fosse; it 
measures 140 feet north and south, and 352 feet east 
and west, thus covering more than a third of the width 
of the outer Temple court, and rising at its highest 
30 feet above the Priests' Court. The block was 
scarped on all sides, and thus a flat rock surface exists 
south of it, extending on the level of the court as far 
as the north wall and cloister of the outer Temple. 
Steps led up — as they still do — from this flat court- 
yard to the block above it. 

This castle is very clearly described by Josephus.^ 
He applies to it the terms "Acropolis," " stronghold" 
{plirourion), and " fortress " {purgos) ; but he never 
calls it Akra. There were four towers on the rocky 
block, one at each corner, that to the south-east being 
the highest. The flat space below on the south was 
paved, and in it were rooms, courts, bathing-places, 
and " broad spaces for parades." Passages led below 
the Temple court — as already described in speaking 
of the Gate Tadi — but this area was on the level 
of the inner Temple court, as we learn from the 
exploit of the rash centurion Julian, during the siege 
by Titus ; for, leaping down from the scarp, he charged 
the defenders of the Temple up to the gates, where his 
nailed shoes slipped on the Temple pavement, and he 
fell with a great clang of armour. Thus, the whole 
area of Antonia formed an oblong quadrangle, pro- 
jecting on the north, and adjoining the north and west 
cloisters of the outer Temple enclosure. It was a 

> "Ant.," XV. viii. 5, xi. 3, 4, 7, XVIII. iv. 3 ; " Wars," I. iii. 3, v. 4, 
xxi. I, II. xvi. 5, V. iv. 2, V. 8, ix. 2, VI. i. 5, 8, ii. 5, 9. 


citadel overlooking the whole of the sanctuary, and to 
the present day it is a barrack for Turkish troops. 

The other Herodian citadel, which is also still a 
barrack, was at the north-west side of the upper city, 
by the upper market.^ It defended the neck of land 
where the upper city was always attacked from the 
north, and it adjoined Herod's palace. The three 
" royal towers " here strengthened the old wall.^ 
Hippicus was farthest west and was only 25 cubits 
square. The present north-west tower of the citadel 
may be built on its site. Phasaelus was 40 cubits 
square, according to Josephus, with a solid base and 
a stoa round the tower itself. There can be little 
doubt that this refers to the present "Tower of 
David," called the "Castle of the Pisans" in the 
Middle Ages. Its masonry is still untouched, being 
Herodian in style, with stones about 4 feet high 
and often 8 or 9 feet long.^ It measures 56 feet 
(about 41 cubits) north and south, but is 70 feet 
long east and west. It has a narrow walk or " berm" 
outside, on the solid base. A sloping revetment was 
added later by the Crusaders, and the upper part of the 
tower is modern. The site of the third tower, Mari- 
amne, is as yet unknown, but its solid base, 20 cubits 
high, may exist under the pavement of the present 
market-place. It was the smallest of the three, being 
20 cubits square. The bases of these towers are 
probably of rock, now covered with masonr}'. The 
reason why the original masonry of Phasaelus remains 
standing is that Titus left these towers, and a bit of 
the west wall, standing to show the strength of the 
fortress he had taken, and to form a citadel for the 

' "Ant.," XIII. V. 11; "Wars," V. iv. i. The Rabbis (Tosiphta, 
Sanfted., chap, xiv.) mention an " upper" and a " lower " market. 

- "Ant.," XVII. X. 2, 3; "Wars," II. iii. I, xvii. 6, 8, V. iv. 3, v. 8, 
VI. viii. I, VII. i. I ; Tacitus, " Hist.," v. 11. 

' Sir C. Wilson, " Ord. Survey Notes," p. 46 ; " Mem. Survey West 
Pal.," Jerusalem vol., pp. 267-70. 


legion he left at Jerusalem. The palace, adjoining 
the towers inwardly, appears to have been large and 
magnificent, but its extent is not described. It had 
walls which made it a citadel, large bed-chambers, 
and wooden roofs. It was adorned with cloisters 
and carvings, and had gardens full of trees, canals, 
cisterns, and fountains where the water ran from 
bronze statues, while the doves fluttered round its 
pools as they now flutter in the Haram courts. The 
pagan character of its adornment must have been 
sorely repugnant to Israel in the holy city. Two 
of its chambers were named after Caesar and Marcus 
Agrippa, the pagan patrons of Herod. ^ 

Other palaces were built later in Jerusalem, and 
Agrippa II. rebuilt the palace of the Hasmonaeans,^ 
which was in the north-east part of the upper city, 
near the great Tyropoeon bridge and the Xystos. 
The latter Greek word signifies a covered gymnasium, 
and there is no reason to doubt that this building was 
the same as the g3nTinasium built by the high-priest 
Jason before 170 B.C., which is described as being 
"under the Acropolis" or upper cit3^ It lay north 
of the bridge,^ but its remains, and those of the neigh- 
bouring council-house, have not been identified with 
certainty. There were gates in the west wall of the 
Temple above it ; and as these seem clearly to be the 
two central gates on that side, it must have been south 
of the ancient causeway, and down in the Tyropoeon 
Valley. An " ancient hall " discovered by Sir Charles 
Warren, which he considers to be " one of the oldest 
buildings in Jerusalem," may have some connection 
with either the Xystos or the council-house. It lies 

• " Wars," I. xxi. i. 

^ "Ant," XX. viii. 11 ; "Wars," II. xvi. 3. 

* I Mace. i. 14; 2 Mace. iv. 9, 12 ; " Wars," II. xvi. 3, VI. iii. 2, vi. 2, 
viii. I, V. iv. 2 ; "Mem. Survey West Pal.,'' pp. 201, 202 ; " Wars," VI. 
vi. 3. 


partly under the street leading to the Gate of the Chain, 
and measured about 23 feet by 20 feet ; its floor is 
about on the level of the Herodian street pavement ; 
its roof is less ancient than its walls ; at each corner 
inside there are rude pilaster capitals of semi-Ionic 
character. The outer masonry is drafted and re- 
sembles that of Herod's age. Herod assembled 
wrestlers and other athletes at his games every five 
years, but it is doubtful if his " theatre " was the same 
as the gymnasium ; a " hippodrome" which lay towards 
the south of the Temple may, however, have been 
connected with the Xystos. It has been sought farther 
south by Mr. Bliss, but no remains of such a building 
were there found. ^ 

Some alterations seem to have occurred in the water- 
supply in consequence of the building of the west 
outer wall of Herod's Temple, and these indicate that 
the wall is later than two rock-cut aqueducts which it 
cuts across. The southern one of these ran from the 
Pool of the Bath to Siloam, and has been traced in 
parts by Sir Charles Warren and Mr. Bliss. The 
second led from north-west to the Antonia fosse, 
where possibly the " Pool Strouthios "'^ was made by 
Herod when he rebuilt Antonia. This aqueduct 
merely served to collect the rain-water north of the 
city, and carried it originally to a rock tank which 
is included within Herod's west sanctuary wall. The 
supply being thus cut off, the water of the aqueduct 
would serve to fill the Antonia fosse, or the Pool 
Strouthios in that fosse — known later as the " Twin 
Pools " — supposing that these were cut as early as 
Herod's time. The great tunnel of this aqueduct 
under the Antonia rock stops dead at the Temple 
wall, and the only use that could afterwards be made 

» "Ant.," XV. viii. i, 2, XVII. x. 2 ; "Wars," II. iii. i. 
* "Wars," V. xi. 4; "Mem. Survey West Pal.," Jerusalem vol., 
pp. 263, 264. 


of it would be as a secret exit, through the window 
which I discovered in this wall just south of the 
Antonia scarp. 

The description of Herod's Jerusalem may be con- 
cluded by notice of the Tyropoeon bridge. The spring 
of the arch from the west wall of the outer Temple 
is still visible. The voussoirs are dressed with the 
peculiar criss-cross dressing already described as dis- 
tinguishing Herodian masonry. The position and the 
breadth of the bridge closely agree with the dimensions 
given by Josephus (in Greek feet) for the three walks 
of the " Royal Cloister," which ran east and west 
inside the south wall of the Temple enclosure ' : since 
the south wall is about 9 feet thick, and the side aisles 
of the cloister were 30 feet wide, the central one 45 feet 
wide, and the pillars about 6 feet in diameter. This 
bridge replaced the older one, which was broken down 
at the time of Pompey's siege in 63 B.C. The older 
voussoirs are under the Herodian pavement. The 
fallen voussoirs of Herod's bridge lie on that pave- 
ment. The bridge, as explored by Sir Charles Warren, 
consisted of two great arches (about 42-feet span), 
with a pier 12 feet thick rising from a rock foundation 
in the Tyropceon Valley. The roadway was 95 feet 
above the valley bed, or 75 feet above the pavement. 
This is now buried to a depth of no less than 40 feet. 
The cloister within was the finest of those surrounding 
the Temple, and its pillars were of the Corinthian 
order. All other cloisters of the outer Temple were 
double, but this was triple. Those of the inner 
Temple were single. 

Such generally was Jerusalem as Herod built its 
Temple and palaces, shortly before the birth of our 

' "Ant.," XV. xi. 5. For the bridge see "Ant.," XIV. iv. 2; "Wars," 
I. vii. 2, VI. vi. 2, viii. i. The bridge was 51 feet wide, and at 38 feet 
9 inches from its south side was the outside of the south wall at 
south-west angle of the Haram. 


Lord. The Temple was probably begun in 22 b.c. and 
finished eight years later. The fifteenth of Herod is 
preferable to the eighteenth/ because Herod's meeting 
with Marcus Agrippa appears to have occurred after 
the completion of the Holy House, and Agrippa died 
at Rome in 12 b.c. But additions continued to be 
made to the Temple down to 64 a.d.- Thus, as we 
read in the fourth Gospel, the building had been 
continued for " forty-and-six years " before the time 
when the Jews were speaking to our Lord. 

1 "Ant.," XV. xi. I ; " Wars," I. xxi. i. 

^ "Ant.," XX. ix. 7 ; John ii. 20. This date would be 24 or 27 A.D., 
reckoning from foundation. 



Passover being finished, and the Galileans having set 
out in a pilgrim caravan for their homes in the north, 
the Temple courts were no longer crowded, and the 
rabbis sat in the spring sunshine on the steps of 
the great Gate Nicanor, teaching their pupils as 
usual. ^ But with them sate that wondrous Child " in 
the midst of the doctors, both hearing them and 
asking them questions." Across the broad " Court 
of the Women" came the anxious mother, to the 
gate where twelve years before she had offered " a 
sacrifice according to that which is said in the law 
of the Lord : a pair of turtle doves or two young 
pigeons," and where the Babe was held in the arms 
of Simeon, son of the famous Hillel. The gentle 
reproach, " Son, why hast thou thus dealt with us ? 
Behold, thy father and I have sought thee sorrowing," 
received the gentle answer, " How is it that ye sought 
me? Wist ye not that I must be among my father's 
people ?" 

This scene in the Temple court is one of the very 
few as to which we can have no doubt, though the 
steps of Nicanor are hidden from us, under the 
platform, to-day. Speaking generally, it is notable 

' Neubauer, " Geog. du Talmud," 1868, p. 142, quotes Tal. Jer., 
Sanhed., ii. 2 (" et dans d'autres passages"), for the doctors seated on 
the steps to teach. Luke ii. 46-50. 



that the Gospels do not define the exact position of 
places, in and near Jerusalem, to which they refer in 
passing. The first Christians turned their eyes up 
to heaven, not down to earth. They thought of the 
return of their Master, not of the Way of Sorrow, 
the Place of the Skull, or the empty tomb. They 
knew, and their first readers knew, where these were, 
but to us they have left no indication. We do not 
know where was the "upper chamber" in which our 
Lord ate His last supper of the Passover, We do 
not know where was the little " farm " Gethsemane 
— the "oil-press" — except that it was a "garden" 
beyond the valley of the Kidron. We can only 
conjecture the sites of the Praetorium, or of the palaces 
where Annas and Caiaphas lived, and where Herod 
Antipas lodged as a Galilean visitor at the time of 
the Passover. We are uncertain as to where the 
Pool of Bethesda may have been, and we dispute 
as to the Way of Sorrow, the Mount of Calvary, and 
the Sepulchre. It is well that we should not know ; 
and that we should not localise at any footprint, or 
on any rock, that which was meant to be for all the 
world. Yet we cannot help guessing and searching, 
if by any means we may really find the places where 
the feet of Jesus must have trodden the hard, rough 
rocks, or the smooth pavement of Antonia. We 
experience the same doubts and difficulties which 
early pilgrims felt, and we must not forget that they 
had no more to guide them than we have when we 
study the Gospels. They had indeed less knowledge, 
because they did not see, as we do, that the valleys 
had been filled by the ruins of the ancient city long 
before their day. Some thought that the Praetorium 
was Antonia, others thought later that it was on Zion. 
They changed the site of Bethesda more than once. 
They always thought it necessary to suppose that the 
city must have been much increased in size by Hadrian, 


because their bishops showed them the holy tomb and 
Calvary within the Jerusalem of their own time. 

There are some places mentioned in the Gospels as 
to which we have roughly some idea of position. We 
know that the tables of the money-changers, and the 
seats of those that sold doves, were somewhere in 
the outer court of the Temple. The " treasury " was 
one of those boxes, placed in the Court of the Women, 
where offerings of money — even the two mites of the 
widow — might be made. " Solomon's Porch " was 
apparently the cloister on the eastern wall, and is not 
to be confused with the " Beautiful Gate " (Kipunos) 
on the west.^ We can also picture to ourselves the 
view of Jerusalem seen from Olivet when the disciples 
pointed to the mighty masonry of the Holy House, 
of which not one stone is left standing on another.^ 
" O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, that killest the prophets, 
and stonest them which are sent unto thee. . . . 
Behold, your House is left unto you desolate." But 
it is because of the history of that day of sin and 
sorrow, when the three crosses were raised in the 
cold morning after Passover night, that we now read 
and write so much about the Holy City ; and our 
present inquiry is the most important of all. 

The white chalky slopes of Olivet were terraced 
and dotted with grey olive trees then as now, with 
here and there a fig garden and a solitary palm. But 
looking west there was only hard rock under grey 
walls — hard and stubborn as the hearts of the people, 
and as unlike the purple copses and dove-haunted 
oak woods of Galilee as was the sacerdotalism of 
priests to the teaching of the Son of Man. Above 

' The tables {Shek., vi. 45); the seats {Sukkah, iv. i) ; the boxes 
{Shek., iii. 2) ; and the stalls (Tal. Bab., Aboda Zara, 8 b. ; Rosh hash- 
Shanah, 3112). Matt. xxi. 12; Mark xi. 16; Luke xix. 45, xxi. i; 
John ii. 14, X. 23 ; Josephus, "Ant." XX. ix. 7; "Wars," V. v. I ; 
Acts iii 2. 

' Matt, xxiii. 37, xxiv. 1-2 ; Mark xiii. 1-2 ; Luke xxi. 1-5. 


the mighty ramparts the great " wing wall " (not a 
"pinnacle") of the House itself towered 150 feet over 
the gate towers and cloisters of the inner court. The 
black smoke of the fig-tree logs rose high above the 
great Altar. The scarps of Antonia frowned down 
on the Temple from the north. Beyond these great 
buildings were the white-washed domes of the city, 
and farther yet the great square towers by Herod's 
palace. Perhaps a glimpse might be caught of the 
trees in its gardens, and of the wicked bronze statues 
from which its fountains poured ; of the great halls, 
and cloisters, and fluttering doves. And outside, to 
the north, was the precipice and rounded summit of 
the Place of a Skull. Below the feet of the disciples 
was the Kidron gorge, the sepulchre of King 
Alexander cut in its cliff, and perhaps hard by in 
the flatter ground to its north the olive-yard of 
Gethsemane, and the rocky slope of the Agony to 
come ; while on the western side was the spring 
of Bethesda, with its great reservoir in front, and 
its five cloisters, near the "Sheep Place," where the 
flocks were gathered to the watering. 

As regards this last site there is, of course, much 
difference of opinion. Bethesda could not be at 
Siloam, for that pool is mentioned by its old name 
in the same Gospel.^ Bethesda in Hebrew means 
" the house of the stream," and all we know about 
it is that it was near the " Sheep Place," and that it had 
" five cloisters," Here the blind, halt, and withered 
lay " waiting for the disturbance of the waters." 
It is remarkable that the text of the three oldest 
manuscripts of the fourth Gospel — the Alexandrian, 
Vatican, and Sinaitic uncials— here differs in several 
respects from that of later copies ; and the three differ 
from one another. The Alexandrian alone has the 

• John V. 2-4, ix. 7. The "tower of Siloam" (Luke xiii. 4) was 
probably one of those on the city wall near the pool. 


words, "for an angel of the Lord washed at a certain 
season in the pool," instead of the verse as it stands 
in our English Bible. The Sinaitic text calls it "a 
sheep pool," and names it Bethzatha. The Vatican 
reads Bethsaida; and, strangely enough, all three 
uncials omit the words " waiting for the disturbance 
of the water," for it is very unlikely that this re- 
markable indication was not given in the original. 
It evidently existed in some text as early as 330 a.d. 
(that is, earlier than either of the uncials), for the first 
pilgrim, who places Bethsaida at the "Twin Pools," 
says that " they have five porches where those who 
had been ill for many years were healed, and the 
water was perturbed as though boiling." A fifth- 
century writer speaks of the water as being red, and 
probably follows Eusebius and Jerome, who say : 
" Twin pools are shown, one of which is usually 
filled by the winter rains, but the other in wondrous 
wise is red, as though the bloody water testified to 
the ancient use; for they say that the victims used 
to be washed therein by the priests, for which cause 
it was named " — that is, " the Sheep Pool." ^ 

It is beyond dispute that the Twin Pools in the 
Antonia fosse — perhaps the Stroitthios, or " Bird's 
Pool" of Josephus, already cut by Herod — were those 
to which the fourth-century tradition pointed, and 
their claims are thus superior to those of the twelfth- 
century site farther north, or of the Templars* site — 
the modern Birket Israil — to the east. The latter 
pretty certainly did not exist till the time of Hadrian 
at earliest. It is also clear that the eastern of the 
two pools might depend on the rains, and that the 
western, which was fed by the aqueduct that led from 
outside the city walls where, on the north-west, the 
rain-water of the northern fosse was collected, may 

' Bordeaux Pilgrim (333 a.d.) ; Eucherius (c. 427-40 a.d.) ; Ono- 
masticon, s.v. Bethesda. 


have been red and muddy from the red surface soil 
washed down. But this hardly describes the sudden 
"disturbance" for which the sick waited. It has 
been supposed that the Twin Pools were adorned by 
pillars, on four sides and on the central rock wall 
which divides them ; but no remains of such pillars 
exist now on the site, and the central wall is less 
than 6 feet wide, and would therefore only serve to 
support a single line of columns, which does not 
represent a stoa, or " cloister," such as is mentioned 
in the Gospel, Thus even the oldest traditional site 
does not fully meet all requirements. There is only 
one place which seems to do so — namel}", the Kidron 
spring, now called by Christians " the Virgin's Well," 
and by Arabs " the Mother of Steps." Here, as already 
described, occurs an intermittent " disturbance of the 
waters," and the Jews still bathe in the cavern when 
the water suddenl}- surges up to fill it. They say that 
it is a cure for rheumatism. Josephus calls this spring 
" Solomon's Pool," using the same word {Kolumbethrd) 
used in the Gospel, and he evidently regarded it as 
the Gihon where Solomon was anointed. Till of late 
it might have been objected that there was no re- 
servoir here such as might have been surrounded 
by five cloisters above the steps which led to the 
" troubled " waters of Bethesda. But the excavations 
of 1902 — already noticed — showed that a large pool 
formerly existed before the cave, under the present 
mound with its two modern flights of steps leading 
down to the water. The only real objection to this 
site thus disappears, and we may regard Bethesda 
as having been the later name of the older Gihon, 
and as one of the few well-fixed Gospel sites. 

Careful study also serves to cast some light on the 
sites connected with our Lord's Passion, including 
those of the palaces of Annas and Caiaphas, the Prae- 
torium, the palace of Herod, and the Golgotha, It 


should be noted that the Sanhedrin ' assembled first 
in the " Chamber of Hewn Stone," which was near 
the south-west corner of the Priests' Court. But forty 
years before the fall of Jerusalem — according to 
rabbinical tradition — when the power of life and 
death had been taken from this assembly by the 
procurators, " the Sanhedrin transferred itself and 
established itself in vaulted buildings""^ (or "in a 
vaulted building "), by which we ma^'^ well understand 
the " Council House " {boide or bouleuterion), which — 
as we have seen— was possibly the " ancient hall " 
found by Sir Charles Warren outside the West Gate 
of the Temple. Josephus also notices the house of 
a high-priest (Ananias) apparently as being near 
the Hasmonaean palace (rebuilt by Agrippa H. in the 
north-east corner of the upper city), or close to the 
"Council House." ^ These indications are valuable, 
because the time between the first appearance of Jesus 
before the procurator and the hour of crucifixion is 
limited. If the latter occurred at 9 a.m., and the first 
appearance before Pilate " in the morning " — that is 
to say, after 6 a.m. — we have only three hours, during 
which time the various events of the trial occurred. 
These included the first examination by Pilate, the 
transference to Herod's palace, the mocking, the return 
to Pilate's tribunal, the scourging and crowning with 
thorns, after a second examination, and Pilate's inter- 
views with priests and people ; finally, the slow pro- 
cession of the cross to Calvary, and the preparations 
for crucifixion. When the author of the fourth Gospel 
speaks of the "sixth hour" as that when the words 

' See Derenbourg, "Palestine," 1867, p. 465; Mishnah, Middoih, 
iv. 7, and Seder Olam, and Tal. Bab., Aboda Zara, Zb, Rosh hash- 
Shanah^ 31 a, are quoted by Derenbourg. 

' Hanuioth, see Gesenius, " Lex.," Jer. xxxvii. 16 ; Haiiuth in Tal. 
Bab., Rosh hash-Shanah, 31 «, in the singular; Josephus, "Wars," 
v., iv. 2, vi. 3. 

3 Josephus, "Wars," II. xvii. 6. 



" Behold your King" were uttered, we can only sup- 
pose that some clerical error has arisen, as this con- 
tradicts the older Gospel.' The time is so short for 
the various events that the various places mentioned 
should be sought in close proximity to one another. 

For this reason we are led to suppose that the 
Praetorium was the castle of Antonia.^ The Greek word 
(praitorion) borrowed from Latin means " the house 
of a praetor," or more generally the residence of a 
governor. We do not actually know where the 
procurators lived when they were in Jerusalem, but 
in 65 A.D. we find that the first object of Florus, on 
entering the city, was to establish himself in Antonia, 
and it was not till he failed to reach this citadel 
that he took refuge in the upper city. Peter's prison 
seems also to have been in Antonia, since the gate 
opened thence into the city. Paul was certainly taken 
to this "castle" {pareinbole), up the steps whence he 
spoke to the mob. The site of these steps is marked 
by a cutting in the middle of the south scarp of 
Antonia which is now walled up, and the mob had 
thus invaded the broad court of the citadel, extending 
from the scarp to the Temple cloisters. Antonia 
was the station of an " Italian band " which policed 
the excited Temple crowds, and we read that Jesus 
was led by the soldiers " to the Praitorian hall." But 
the fourth Gospel gives a yet clearer indication, 
for it identifies the "pavement" with the Hebrew 
Gabbatha, or " height," where was the bema or tribune 
— the raised pulpit of the judge. It is not at first 
evident what a "pavement " has to do with a " height," 
but the word {lithostroton) does not mean a tessellated 
floor but only something " covered with stones," and 
Josephus tells us that at Antonia " the rock itself 

* Mark xv. 25 ; John xix. 14. 

* Mark xv. 16 ; John xviii. 28, xix. 9, 13 ; Josephus, " Wars," II. xv. 5, 
V. V. 8; Acts xii. 10, xxi. 31, 37, 40. 


was covered over with smooth pieces of stone from 
its foundation, both for ornament, and that any one 
who would try either to get up or go down it 
might not be able to hold his feet upon it." Thus 
an apparent mistranslation of "Gabbatha" is perhaps 
in reality an indication that the Prsetorium was in the 
citadel of Antonia. 

The " upper palace " — that of Herod the Great, on 
the west side of the upper city — seems always to 
have been held by the procurators as a fortress, 
and when Herod Antipas came to Jerusalem he 
probably — like Agrippa H. — lived in the old Hasmo- 
naean palace close to the bridge, as this enabled him 
to go to the Temple without passing through the 

These various considerations may perhaps help 
us to trace the course of events. In the darkness 
before dawn the traitor came, with the servants of the 
high-priest, to the garden of Gcthsemane somewhere 
on Olivet beyond the Kidron. Jesus was led thence 
perhaps across Ophel, and under the great bridge, 
to the " hall " of the high-priest, which may probably 
have adjoined the Council House. He was seen first 
by Annas, who ordered that He should be sent bound 
to Caiaphas. The latter had hastily summoned " all 
the Sanhedrin,"^ probably in the Council House. 
This expression no doubt means the full Sanhedrin 
of seventy-one members ; for Caiaphas inquired of 
Jesus concerning " His doctrine," ^ and He was ar- 
raigned as a false prophet and false Messiah. Many 
false witnesses were examined, and the examination 
may have been long, since, according to the Mishnah, 
"every judge who extends examination is to be 
commended." A false prophet, according to the same 
authority, could only be judged at Jerusalem and by 
the full Sanhedrin, and could be tried and executed 

■ Matt. xxvi. 59. * John xviii. 19. 


on a holiday, which in other cases was not allowable.* 
Jesus could not, according to law, be condemned as 
a blasphemer,^ for that crime was defined as being the 
utterance of the name Jehovah. Yet the fact that the 
Sanhedrin " rent their clothes " shows that He was 
condemned unjustly on this accusation also. Peter 
stood in the outer court of the building, where a 
brazier burned because of the cold. His denial of 
his Master probably occurred at the moment when 
He was being led from the council chamber to be 
taken before Pilate,^ this being at "cock crow," though 
the procurator was not to be approached till the 
morning "* — that is to say, after sunrise, which took 
place about 6 a.m. 

The power of life and death had been taken from 
the Sanhedrin by the procurators, so that it was not 
lawful for them to put any man to death. They no 
longer held their meetings in the Temple court, 
and though their decisions were obeyed by Israel, 
their private assembly, in the precincts of the high- 
priest's " hall," had no force under Roman rule. It 
was necessary to induce the Procurator himself at 
least to consent to the punishment of Jesus by 
death, but the priests had scruples which forbade 
their entering Pilate's Praetorium at Passover time. 
They passed through the Temple, where Judas met 
them and cast down the thirty pieces of silver, and 
they waited in the open court below the stairs and 
scarp of Antonia, with the gathering crowd of 
fanatical Jews, just where (more than twenty years 
later) another mob assembled and was addressed by 
Paul from the same stairs. 

Pilate was the favourite of Sejanus, who was the 
favourite of Tiberius. The appointment did much to 

' Sanhed., i. 5, v. 2, x. 4. * Jbid., vii. 5. * Luke xxii. 61. 

^ Matt. xxvi. 74, xxvii. i ; Mark xiv. 72, xv. I ; Luke xxii. 66, xxiii. i ; 
John xviii. 27, 28. 


incense the Jews against Rome ; for, judging from the 
various riots and massacres of Jews, Galileans, and 
Samaritans which occurred during his ten years' rule, 
he was an incompetent governor; and from the 
Gospel narrative it appears that he was afraid of 
the mob, and anxious to shift all responsibility on 
others, while endeavouring to follow the advice of 
his wiser wife, who bade him have "nothing to do 
with that just man." He took his seat on the bcma 
within the castle, where no doubt the angry roar of 
the multitude below the rock could be heard. His 
first attempt to evade his duties was made as soon 
as he learned that Jesus was a Galilean, and the 
trial was interrupted in order that the prisoner 
might be sent to Herod Antipas. We may suppose, 
therefore, that Jesus was taken by the soldiers of 
the governor down the great stairs, and along the 
west cloisters, where a guard was only needed on 
the left hand, and so across the great Tyropoeon 
bridge to the neighbouring palace of the Hasmonaeans. 

But Antipas had no jurisdiction in Jerusalem, 
though he was curious to see the prophet of Nazareth, 
and " hoped to have seen some miracle done by 
Him." He questioned our Lord with many words, 
and the priests and scribes " vehemently accused 
Him." But he took no responsibility, though — with 
his men of war — he " set Him at nought, and mocked, 
and arrayed Him in a brilliant mantle, and sent Him 
again to Pilate " ' by the way whereby He came. 

Again Pilate took his seat in the Praetorium, and 
questioned our Lord whether He was King of the 
Jews. For the priests brought no charge of blasphemy 
against Him before the procurator, but endeavoured 
to represent Him as a dangerous rebel against Rome, 
and as claiming to be " the King Messiah." An- 
other mode of escape suggested itself to the vacillating 

1 Luke xxiii. 6-12. 


governor. He *' went out " to the stairs, and offered 
to the mob the release of their King as a concession 
at Passover. Again he failed, for the people began 
to understand that he was afraid — afraid of the mob, 
afraid of what would be said in Rome, afraid of his 
wife's face, afraid to do his duty. He saw that " he 
could prevail nothing but rather that a tumult was 
made." No one listened to his question, " What evil 
hath He done?" They demanded that Jesus be 
crucified, and Barabbas released, Meanl}'^ Pilate 
yielded his authority, and vainly he washed his 
hands. Barabbas was no doubt in Antonia also, and 
was brought out to appease the people. Jesus was 
scourged, and the soldiers in the Praetorium clad 
Him again in the purple robe of Antipas, crowned 
Him with thorns, placed in His hand the reed, and 
mocked Him in the hall which afterwards became the 
Christian " Chapel of the Mocking," still existing on 
the Antonia rock. He was brought out and shown 
to the multitude below, with the words, " Behold 
the man." 

Yet again Pilate hesitated, and went in to re- 
examine his prisoner, seeking some means of escape 
from crime. But the power of which he boasted was 
gone, and Jesus ansv^^ered, " He that delivered me 
unto thee hath the greater sin " — no doubt meaning 
Caiaphas, who worked on the fears of the procurator 
through the mob that cried, "Thou art not Caesar's 
friend." For the last time he came forth to appease 
the people, saying, " Behold your King," and " gave 
up " Jesus to the Jews, who " had no king but Caesar," 
conniving at the unlawful death doom (while seeking 
not to admit his consent) by providing a guard. The 
white-robed figure came down the broad flight of 
steps to where the cross was already prepared, and 
bearing this He passed through the courts of Antonia 
to the most northern of the Temple gates, and so 


down to the rough pavement of the street, which ran 
northwards west of the sanctuary to the city gate. 
This we may regard as the true Way of Sorrow, lying 
below the street to-day. 

We come therefore to the final question, where we 
should look for Golgotha, and for the new tomb in 
the garden hard by. No one doubts that these sites 
lay outside the city. The first and fourth Gospels 
and the Epistle to the Hebrews alike make this 
conclusion quite certain.' The first tells us that 
the guard of the sepulchre came "into the city" 
afterwards ; the second that Calvary was " nigh to 
the city" ; the third that " Jesus . . . suffered without 
the gate." It was near this gate apparently that 
Simon the Cyrenian was found " coming out of the 
field," and forced to carry the cross. The only other 
indications of the position of Golgotha are, that it 
was apparently near a road and visible to those that 
" passed by," and that it was probably on a height 
because it was to be seen "afar off"."^ There is no 
reason to doubt that it was the usual place of exe- 
cution, which was familiar to the Gospel writers, and 
the same place outside the city where Stephen and 
James were afterwards stoned.^ 

We must remember that although the punishment 
of crucifixion was not one of the four death penalties 
of the Jews, yet it was not exclusively a Roman mode 
of torture. It was usual among the Greeks in Alex- 
ander's age, and among Carthaginians a century later. 
It had been used by Alexander Jannaeus — as already 
mentioned — who was a pure Hebrew, and who cruci- 
fied eight hundred Jews. It was also customary, 
according to the Mishnah, to crucify those who had 
been stoned : " They sank a beam into the ground 

' Matt, xxviii. 11 ; John xix. 20, 41 ; Heb. xiii. 12. 

* Matt, xxvii. 32, 39; Mark xv. 21, 29; Luke xxiii. 26, 49. 

* Acts vii. 58. 


and a cross beam proceeded from it, and they bound 
his hands one over the other, and hung him up."' 
It was thus a Jewish practice; and Pilate, though 
he provided the "title" to be borne before the con- 
demned — "The King- of the Jews," written in Hebrew, 
in Greek, and in Latin — did not order the Crucifixion, 
but "gave up" the Son of Man to His foes. There 
also seems to be no reason why a separate place of 
execution, other than that generally used, should 
have been peculiar to Roman executions at any 

The "House of Stoning" was the Jewish place of 
death. It is mentioned in the Mishnah,- and it was 
not at the judgment hall, but some distance from it 
and out of sight ; for a man was stationed at the 
door of the hall, with a cloth in his hand, " and an- 
other man rode a horse at a distance from him, but 
so that he might see him." Thus if any one desired 
to bring further evidence at the last moment for the 
acquittal of the condemned, the cloth was waved, and 
the " horseman galloped " after the prisoner, and 
brought him back to be tried again. This description 
shows that a considerable distance separated the 
" House of Stoning" from the vicinity of the Temple. 
At the place of execution there was also apparently 
a precipice, for it was " the height of two men," 
or nearly 12 feet, and the two witnesses who cast 
the first two stones seem to have stood above the 
victim on this cliff. It must also have been outside 
the city in accordance with the law,^ but unfortu- 
nately the Rabbis have not told us in which direction. 
It was close to a garden, in which was the private 
sepulchre of Joseph of Arimathaea, " wherein was 
never man yet laid," and this serves rather to point 
to the north, which is the only direction in which we 

' Mishnah, Sanhed., vi. 4. * Ibid., vi. 1-4. 

•' Deut, xxii. 34; John xix. 41. 

O o 


have any notice of gardens outside Jerusalem ^ — the 
hill of Gareb (or " plantations ") mentioned by Jeremiah 
being also on the north. The north was regarded by 
the Jews as the unlucky side, and even down to the 
sixteenth century the Sahrah, or " plateau " north of 
the city, is described by an Arab writer as a place 
of evil repute,- while in the fifth century the place of 
Stephen's death by stoning was thought to have been 
outside the north gate of Jerusalem. We have thus 
a consensus of Jewish, Christian, and Moslem tradition 
on this subject. 

It is unnecessary to describe the knoll, north of the 
Damascus Gate, which is now a Moslem graveyard, 
or the cliff on its south side in which is the so-called 
" Grotto of Jeremiah"; for the place is familiar to all 
who have visited the Holy City, and from many well- 
known photographs and drawings. It is called the 
Heidhemiyeh (or " cutting ") by Syrians, and it was 
very clearly outside the city in the time of our Lord, 
and even later, as we shall see in describing the course 
of the third wall. It is a site suitable for a public 
execution, having round it a flat amphitheatre of 
sloping ground. It is visible "afar off" on either 
side, and it is immediately east of the great north 
road. It is regarded still by the Jews of Jerusalem 
as being the ancient " House of Stoning," and though 
this tradition cannot be traced in the scanty notices 
of the city to be found in the pilgrim texts of Jewish 
travellers, yet it is by no means modern, and it 
exists among the Sephardim families from Spain 
who have lived for centuries in Jerusalem. The 
circumstances thus enumerated give good grounds 
for the conclusion that this remarkable hill is not 
only the true site of the " House of Stoning," but 
the actual site of Calvary, and as such it has been 

' Josephus, "Wars," V. ii. 2; Jer. xx.\i. 39. 
' Mejir ed Din {c. 1521 a.d,). 


long regarded by many who have felt it impossible 
to accept the traditional sites shown in the Church 
of the Holy Sepulchre.^ 

This site 1 advocated in 1878 ; and it was afterwards 
pointed out^ that others, whose works I have never 
seen, had fixed on the same spot, including Otto 
Thenius in 1849, ^^id Mr. Fisher Rowe in 1871 ; but 
neither of these writers has apparently mentioned 
the Jewish tradition. In 1881 Dr. T. Chaplin kindly 
arranged for me to go, with a respectable Spanish Jew, 
to see the reputed tomb of Simon the Just, and this 
guide pointed out the hill in question when we passed 
it as the ancient " House of Stoning." After the pub- 
lication of my suggestion in 1878, the idea was adopted, 
first by Mr. Laurence Oliphant, and afterwards in 
1882 by General Gordon. The very general accept- 
ance of the site was due no doubt to the great 
influence of the last named; but he added theories 
of his own, and thought that a tomb in the cliff — now 
known as the *' Garden Tomb " — must be the true site 
of the Holy Sepulchre. 

General Gordon had not then been long in Palestine, 
and he was not aware that this tomb had been de- 
scribed already, and had been attributed to a much 
later age than that of our Lord. He was not versed 
in Palestine archaeology, and the arguments brought 
forward by the supporters of this opinion are not con- 
vincing. The fourth Gospel ^ says that " in [or " at "] 
the place where He was crucified there was a garden, 
and in the garden a new sepulchre " which was "nigh 
at hand," but not of necessity in the cliff of Calvary, 
which would indeed be a very unlikely position for 
a private tomb. Others have urged that since the 
"deacons of the Church of the Marturion," named 

' " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., 1883, pp. 428-35. 

* Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, " Holy Places of Jerusalem," 1888, p. 113. 

» John xix. 41, 42, 


Nonus and Onesimus/ were buried near this place, 
and one of their texts speaks of a deacon as " buried 
near his Lord," there must have been an early 
Christian tradition pointing to this site. But the 
church so described was that built by Constantine, 
and the texts are not earlier at most than the fourth 
century, when the whole Christian world accepted the 
present traditional sites of Calvary and the Sepulchre. 
The " Garden Tomb " is not a Jewish tomb, and there 
is good reason to suppose that it is not older than the 
twelfth century a.d. It was first excavated in 1873, 
when I visited and described it.- When opened, it was 
found to be filled to the roof with bones, and when 
these were cleared away by Herr K. Schick, two Latin 
patriarch's crosses, in red paint, were found on the 
east wall of the inner chamber. These could not 
have been painted before the twelfth century, since 
the Greek cross is always found alone earlier in 

East of the tomb there are marks of vaults supported 
against the rock. It is well known that the Hospice 
of the Templars^ was here built, for pilgrims visiting 
Jerusalem, not earlier than the end of the twelfth 
century, and it was called the Asnerie, or " place for 
asses," because the asses used by the travellers were 
here stabled. The remains of mangers were still 
visible in 1881, at the south-west corner of this build- 
ing, in the flat ground below the clifif to the south. 
The hospice thus appears to have been about 200 
feet square, and the tomb in all probability was con- 
nected with it, as a sepulchre for pilgrims or for 
Templars. The immense accumulation of corpses, 
here hurriedly buried, may have been due to the 
Kharezmian massacre in 1244 a.d. The inner chamber 

' See Pal. Expl. Futid Quarterly, April, 1890, p. 69. 
• " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., p. 385. 
' "Citez de Jherusalem," after 1187 a.d. 


of this tomb, to the east, had three graves on the floor. 
It does not in any wa}^ answer to the tomb described 
in the Gospels, nor is it at all like the Greco-Jewish 
tombs of the first century a.d. 

For these reasons, while it is probable that the site 
is that of Calvary, we must still say of our Lord as 
was said of Moses, " No man knoweth of His sepulchre 
unto this day." This indeed is the general conclusion 
of recent writers, and even as regards Calvary we 
have only probabilities to consider. It is not desirable 
to create new sacred places, by the same enthusiasm 
without knowledge which led to the creation of those 
of the fourth century. There is, however, a single 
tomb, on the west side of the north road, which passes 
close to the " House of Stoning " leaving it to the 
east ; but I should be loath to describe this as being 
more than a possible site at most for the " new tomb." 
This sepulchre I examined in 1881, and was led, by 
comparing it with the other tombs of about the first 
century a.d., to the conclusion that it was a Greco- 
Jewish tomb.^ It is cut in the east face of a rock, 
and has a chamber for six bodies. Outside, to the 
north of its outer court, there is another chamber with 
a single loculus, which might conceivably represent 
the " new tomb " ; for though there are many old 
Christian tombs in the vicinity, there is no other 
known which is Greco-Jewish.^ A cylindrical rolling 
stone (like a cheese set up on its round edge) often 
closes the door of this class of tomb — as can still be 

' See " Ord. Survey Notes," plate xxv., for the tomb of Helena of 
Adiabene ; " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., p. 433, for plan 
of the tomb in question. 

* See Matt, xxvii, 60, 66 ; Mark xv. 46 ; Luke xxiv. 2 ; John xx. 
I, 12. HeiT K. Schick stated that when this tomb was excavated, 
a slab was found in it, on which was a Greek cross, with the words 
Theke Diapherous{a), or " a private sepulchre." The tomb is very 
roughly cut, and may have been hewn as late as the fifth century a.d., 
unless it was re-used. 

O 3 



seen at the tomb of Helena of Adiabene, north of 
Jerusalem, and elsewhere. The Garden Tomb can 
never have had such a stone, but at the Greco-Jewish 
tomb in question guard stones outside both chambers 
exist, which may have kept such stones in place 
before the doors. 

In Palestine generally there are five kinds of rock 
tomb. In the north the Phcenician class has a chamber 
with koki))i, or tunnel graves, at the bottom of a deep 
shaft — as in Egypt. The usual Hebrev^' tomb has a 
chamber entered from the face of the rock, with kokim 
dug endwise from the walls. The inner, and therefore 
later, chambers of such tombs have a different arrange- 
ment in examples which — from the Greek details of 
the porches — must belong to the Greek or the 
Herodian ages. In such chambers a rock sarcophagus 
under an arch is cut parallel to the wall on each side. 
The "new tomb" was clearly of this class, since we 
read that two angels sat, one at the head, the other 
at the foot of the grave, which would be impossible in 
a tomb with kokim graves. The Greco-Jewish class 
of tomb was certainly in use in the first century a.d. 
The fourth class consists of rock-sunk graves, with a 
heavy lid fitted above : this seems to belong to Roman 
times. The fifth has two graves, one each side of a 
shaft, and this is known from inscriptions to have 
been in use in the twelfth century. Leaden coffins 
were sometimes used in these later tombs. The 
sepulchre west of the "House of Stoning" belongs 
to the third class — the Greco-Jewish — but, since 
similar arrangements are to be found in some later 
Greek tombs of the Byzantine age, it is not here 
intended to be understood that this tomb of necessity 
existed at the time of the Crucifixion. 

The present chapter has been one of conjecture as 
to probabilities, rather than of the description of 
undoubted monuments. This is rendered inevitable 


by the circumstances. The results will not be admitted 
by those who are convinced that the traditional sites 
are to be accepted ; but to those who are not so con- 
vinced, the arguments may appear more suggestive. 
The only known patristic allusion to Calvary before 
326 A.D. is that of Origen in our third century/ and he 
only refers to a " Hebrew" tradition that Adam was 
buried at Golgotha. He must mean Hebrew Christians, 
as the Jews never mention Golgotha by name at all, 
and held that Adam was buried at Hebron, as Jerome 
also supposed — a tradition repeated by the Jewish 
traveller Rabbi Jacob in 1258 a.d., and which was 
based on the old name of Hebron, Kirjath Arb'a, 
" the city of four," who were supposed to be Adam, 
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. ^ Even if some Hebrews 
supposed Adam to have died in Jerusalem, the 
tradition is very improbable, and also tells us nothing 
as to the position of Calvary. 

The events of the Passion have been detailed at 
some length, with the object of showing that the 
accounts in the four Gospels do not disagree as a 
whole with one another, and that the close proximity 
of the sites fits with the limited time that elapsed 
between the first trial in the Praetorium and the 
Crucifixion of our Lord. Like the early Christians, 
we must be content with a very general idea of the 
localities ; and as regards the " new sepulchre," we 
must " let the dead bury their dead." 

■ Origen, " Catena " (see Sir. C. Wilson's article, Pal. Expl. Fund 
Quarterly, January, 1902, p. 71): "As regards the Place of a Skull, 
Hebrew tradition has come down to us that Adam's body was buried 
there." Jerome, on Matt, xxvii., says that Adam was buried at Hebron 
(Reland, " Pal.," ii. p. 709). 

* Tal. Bab., Erubi/i, 53 a. 



Only forty years after the day of the Crucifixion the 
blood of the rejected Messiah came on the heads of 
those who had invoked it on themselves and on their 
children ; and the soldiers of Titus nailed the Jewish 
deserters to crosses outside the city to the north, till 
" room was wanting for the crosses and crosses for 
the bodies."^ We may briefly examine the course of 
events that led to the final catastrophe. 

The death of Herod the Great was the signal for 
revolt against Rome.^ Archelaus and Antipas sailed 
at once for the imperial city, to urge their claims 
before Augustus. In their absence Sabinus acted as 
Caesar's procurator, under Varus the governor of 
Syria. He appears to have exacted money, and to 
have otherwise oppressed the Jews, and at the Feast 
of Pentecost — about the middle of May — the city was 
filled with pilgrims from Jericho, Galilee, and beyond 
Jordan, and with Idumaeans from the south. Their 
indignation at injuries inflicted by Sabinus led to 
revolt, and while some held the west cloister of the 
Temple, and others the " Hippodrome " (perhaps the 
Xystos) towards the south, a third band besieged 
the Romans in Herod's palace on the west side of the 
Upper City. Sabinus, from the top of the Phasaelus 

' "Wars," V. xi. i. 

» "Ant.," XVII. X. i-io; "Wars," II. iii. 1-4. 



tower, directed a sally, and drove the rebels back to 
the Temple. The west cloister was set on fire, and 
the soldiers plundered the Temple treasure; but the 
siege closed in again, and the Jews attempted to 
undermine the palace walls. Varus hastened to march 
on Palestine, which was reduced to anarch}', and he 
advanced on Samaria, set fire to Emmaus Nicopolis, 
and finally reached Jerusalem, reinforced by Arab 
auxiliaries sent by Harith, king of Petra, The Jeru- 
salem Jews excused themselves before him, and the 
strangers abandoned the siege and dispersed. Sabinus, 
fearing to meet his superior, stole away to the seaside, 
probably to Caesarea ; the revolt was quelled, and two 
thousand of the rebels were seized and crucified. 
Varus returned to Antioch, leaving a legion at Jeru- 
salem, and pacified the Jews by allowing them to send 
an embassy to Rome, petitioning that they might be 
permitted to live according to their own law. Arche- 
laus was given the government of Judaea and Samaria 
by Augustus, but only held it for ten years. Antipas 
received Galilee, and Peraea (beyond Jordan), which 
he held till 39 a.d., and Herod Philip had Bashan and 

The time was, however, now come for direct Roman 
rule ; and when Archelaus was banished to Vienne, 
Coponius became the first procurator,^ and Pontius 
Pilatus was the fifth (25 to 35 a.d.). The character 
of these governors depended on that of the emperor 
under whom they served, and Pilate was a placeman 
under Tiberius in the later years of that hated em- 
peror. But, as Tacitus says, the Jews, as a whole, 

' The rulers of Jerusalem were procurators except Agrippa I., who 
was king. They were as follows : Coponius, from lo A.D. ; M. Ambi- 
vius, c. 12 A.D. ; Annius Kufus, c. 13 A.D. ; V. Gratus, 14 A.D. ; P. Pilatus, 
25 A.D. ; Marcellus, 35 A.D. ; Marullus, 37 a.d. ; Agrippa I., 41 a.d. ; 
Cuspius Fadus, 44 a.d. ; Tib. Alexander, 47 a.d. ; V. Cumanus, 49 a.d. ; 
Felix, 52 A.D. ; P. Festus. 60 a.d. ; Albinus, 62 a.d. ; Gessius Florus, 
64 A.D. The final revolt began in 65 a.d. 


" had rest " under Tiberius, and the prosperity of the 
country increased. Agrippa was a popular ruler, 
though in his last year he persecuted the Christians 
at Jerusalem ; and in his time the city was fortified 
b}^ a new wall on the north. Tacitus again says that 
" the Jews had patience till Gessius Florus was made 
procurator" (by Nero); "under him it was that the 
war began." 

Even when Pilate attempted to benefit the city by 
making an aqueduct, he roused bitter wrath by appro- 
priating the "sacred money" for the purpose. He 
also introduced statues of Caesar secretly into the 
Temple, and was soon forced by Jewish opposition 
to remove them. He put down a Samaritan outbreak 
with cruelty, and Vitellius, governor of Syria, ordered 
him to Rome, where he arrived in ■i^'j a.d. to find that 
Tiberius was dead. Marcellus was appointed pro- 
curator in his stead, and Vitellius pacified the Jews 
by granting to them the custody of the high-priest's 
vestments, which were kept till then under Roman 
custody in Antonia.^ 

There is no mention of any aqueducts at Jerusalem 
before the time of Pilate, except the Siloam one, and 
the "Conduit of the Upper Pool," dating from the 
reign of Ahaz. Nor do the remains of the great reser- 
voirs at Etam (near Urtas), and of the two aqueducts 
from the south, give any indications of construction 
earlier than the work of the Romans. The high-level 
aqueduct indeed was probably not in existence till 
the time of Hadrian, as will appear subsequently. It 
was the low-level aqueduct that Pilate made." It was 
fed by the spring at Etam, south of Bethlehem, by a 
reservoir farther south, and by the lowest of the three 
great tanks near the spring. When in repair it still 

' "Ant.," XVIII. iii. i, 2, 3, iv. 1-3. 

* " Ord. Survey Notes," pp. 80-3 ; " Mem. Survey West Pal.," vol. 
iii. pp. 89-gi ; Bliss, " Excavat. at Jer.," pp. 53-6, 332. 



carries water to the Temple enclosure, having a ser- 
pentine course of about thirteen miles, and passing 
through two tunnels at Bethlehem and near Jerusalem. 
The three pools at Etam are fed by rain water, and 
by the spring known as the " Sealed Fountain." The 
channel crossed the Valley of Hinnom (on arches) 
above the present Birket es Sultan, and ran on the 
south slope of the upper city and along its east side, 
crossing the Tyropoeon, and passing (near the present 
Gate of the Chain) through the Herodian west rampart, 
and thus to a rock-cut tank south of the inner Temple 
court. Josephus does not over-estimate its length, if 
he refers to that feeder of the "low-level" aqueduct 
which runs from the spring of Kueiziba, far south of 
the Etam pool, to feed the three reservoirs. Even the 
shorter distance from near the pool makes Pilate's 
aqueduct much longer than any other known in 
Palestine. That it should be attributed to Solomon 
is due to later traditional conjecture, and there is no 
notice in the Bible of any such work as executed by 
him. The three reserv^oirs are now called " Solomon's 
Pools," but the masonr}^ is Roman. Josephus says 
that Solomon had gardens " abounding in rivulets of 
water " at Etam, but does not speak of any aqueduct. 
The legend of the " Sealed Fountain " may be founded 
on his allusion, which Christian writers connected 
with a verse in the Song of Songs, "A garden en- 
closed is my one bride, A spring shut up, a fountain 
sealed." 1 

Under Agrippa I. Jerusalem reached the summit of 
its prosperity, and as early as ten years after the 
Crucifixion the city had so greatly increased in size, 
on the north, that a new wall was necessary to defend 
the new suburbs. This wall was built by Agrippa 
after 41 a.d., but the building was stopped by command 
of the Emperor Claudius, whose suspicions were 

» "Ant.," VIII. vii. 3 ; Cant. iv. 12. 


roused by Marcus, the governor of Syria.^ Josephus 
says, " The beginning of the third wall was at the 
tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north 
quarter of the city and the tower Psephinus. Then 
it extended opposite the monuments of Helena, which 
Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter of Izates, 
and being prolonged across the Caverns of the Kings, 
it bent at a corner tower called the Monument of the 
Fuller, and joined the old wall at the valley called 
the Valley of Kedron." For a fourth hill, north of 
Antonia, had become an inhabited quarter beyond 
the outer fosse of that citadel, and this was called 
"Bezetha" in Aramaic, or in Greek "the New City." 
The word Bezetha comes from a root meaning to 
"divide," and seems to refer to the ridge being here 
cut across by the fosse. From other passages we learn 
that there was a gate opposite Helena's monument, 
with towers called the "Women's Towers." Psephinus 
was a great octagonal tower at the north-west corner 
of the wall ; it was 70 cubits high, and Josephus says 
that Arabia, and even the Mediterranean, could be 
seen from it. This seems impossible, but at least it 
may have had a view of the mountains of Arabia near 
Petra, which can be seen from the high ground near 
the modern Russian buildings, as I have personally 
observed in winter when they were covered with 

We may consider in detail the positions of the 
monuments of Helena and of the Caverns of the Kings, 
which are the two fixed points on the line, as well 
as the question whether any remains of Agrippa's wall 
can be supposed to exist. Helena's monument is 
perhaps one of the best fixed sites at Jerusalem; and, 
if we may believe Josephus, who says that it was 

' " Wars," V. iv. 2, 3. See "Ant./' XIX. vii. 2 ; and for the Women's 
Towers, " Wars," V. ii. 2, iii. 3 ; for Helena's tomb, "Ant.," XX. iv. 3 ; 
Pausanias, " Greciae Descript.," viii. 16; Jerome (' Epist. Paulae "). 


" no more than three furlongs from the city,"^ we have 
a measurement which determines the position of the 
Women's Towers as being about due west of the 
" House of Stoning," described in the last chapter. 
The tomb was adorned with three pyramids, and held 
the bones of Helena, who had become a convert to 
Judaism, and of her son Izates, named after his grand- 
father. They died about the same time, apparently 
not earlier than 50 a.d. Pausanias describes this tomb 
as having a rolling stone at its door, and Jerome says 
that it lay east of the north road. These indications 
point to the great Greco-Jewish rock-sepulchre which 
is commonly called the " Tombs of the Kings," or by 
Arabs " Tombs of the Sultans." 

This monument has four chambers, reached from 
an outer court by a small door wath a rolling stone 
still before it. There is also a fifth chamber below, 
having a secret entrance, and reached by a flight of 
steps. The tomb was explored by M. de Saulcy, who 
made very remarkable discoveries in it, showing that 
it was still in use after 79 a.d., for all the coins were 
of the reign of Titus. Izates, however, had a large 
family, and some of his children came to Jerusalem 
when the throne of Adiabene descended to his brother 
Monobasus. Cinerary urns, lamps, glass bottles for 
unguents, others of alabaster, gold ornaments, chains, 
and fibulae were found, as well as osteophagi like 
those in other tombs near Jerusalem, ornamented with 
incised geometrical patterns. But the most important 
find was an unopened sarcophagus, with a partly 
legible Aramaic text of two lines, having eight letters 
in each. When the cover was removed, a skeleton 
was seen with the hands crossed in front ; it crumbled 
away immediately, leaving only the gold threads 
which once adorned the winding sheet. But the text 
(in Aramaic letters very like the Palmyrene forms) 

' "Ant," XX. iv. 3. 


appears clearly to begin with the name 'Elen malkatha, 
for " Helena the queen," and thus serves to identify 
the monument as being actually that of the royal 
family of Adiabene.^ 

The " Caverns of the Kings " seem to be clearly 
those which still exist under the cliff east of the 
Damascus Gate. They have been used at some time 
as a quarry, but the unfinished stones now remaining 
in them are not of ver}^ great dimensions. M. Clermont- 
Ganneau, however, found a rough sketch of a cherub 
carved on the wall, and as this appears to be in the 
old Phoenician or Babylonian style, it indicates con- 
siderable antiquity for the caverns. There is also a 
rock fosse with scarps at and east of this place, 
defending the present north wall of the city, which 
runs apparently on the line of Agrippa's wall to a 
corner tower, and then turning southwards joins the 
east wall of the Haram. It is generally agreed that 
this was the line of Agrippa's wall on the north-east 
and east,- but some writers suppose that the modern 
north wall represents the farthest extension of Jeru- 
salem in Agrippa's time throughout its course, and 
they have placed Psephinus at the mediaeval " Tancred's 
Tower," within the north-west angle of the present 
city. This tower, however, does not suit the descrip- 
tion by Josephus, since it is neither octagonal nor has 
it an extensive view. The masonry, even of the oldest 
part, is of the twelfth century, and the foundations 
of an older wall between this tower and the Damascus 
Gate have also been proved to be the work of the 
Crusaders. If we follow the description of Josephus, 
Psephinus must have been farther to the north- 
west, and outside the present wall. The Women's 

' " Ord. Survey Notes," p. 66 and pi. xxv. ; de Saulcy, "Voyage en 
Terra Sainte," 1865, vol. i. De Saulcy misread the inscription as 
" Queen Sarah.' 

* The Rev. Selah Merrill follows Robinson as to the course of this 
wall, and as to most of the other disputed questions. 


Towers must also have been about 300 yards farther 
north than the Damascus Gate, if they were only 3 
furlongs from the tomb of Helena ; and the broad 
fosse, south of the " House of Stoning," defines the 
approximate line of Agrippa's wall as running from 
a block of rock west of the north road where there 
was an angle, and thence south-east, and then east 
over the Caverns of the Kings. 

As regards any remains of this wall, large stones, 
with well-dressed faces and drafts after the Herodian 
style, have been found in several places towards the 
north-west outside Jerusalem, and these may have 
belonged to Agrippa's wall ; but it is very doubtful 
if any of them are in their original positions. One 
group, excavated by Sir Charles Wilson in 1864, 
forms the side of a tank, and the stones have evidently 
been re-used — probably farther north than the line of 
the wall to which they originally belonged. In 1838 
there were remains of a wall, and foundations which 
Dr. Robinson describes as those of a *' large tower," 
extending north-west, beyond the modern city, 
towards the Russian cathedral, which was not then 
built. He describes " large hewn blocks of stone," 
and regards this line as having " belonged very dis- 
tinctly to the third wall," This was still to be seen 
in 1847, and Herr Konrad Schick, who saw the 
remains, speaks of a " strong wall," but unfortunately 
they have now entirely disappeared. Such remains 
are not to be found towards the north-east outside the 
present north wall, which seems clearly to have been 
here built on the old line.* 

In the time of Agrippa Jerusalem therefore extended 
over about 300 acres, and— judging from the density 
of population in the modern city — it must have had 

• Robinson, "Bib. Res.," 1838, i. p. 315; " Ord. Survey Notes," 
1864, p. 72, and pi. xxxi. ; Schick in Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, 
1895, p. 30. 


about 30,000 inhabitants. The old city, bounded 
by the " second wall," occupied only 200 acres, and 
it does not seem likely that the town would have 
become half as large again in the short interval of 
ten years which elapsed between the Crucifixion and 
the accession of Agrippa, especially as these were 
not particularly prosperous years. Thus, though the 
"second wall" was the northern limit of the fortress 
in the time of our Lord, it is probable that Bezetha 
had already been built over, and that the houses 
extended on the flat ground outside the rampart, 
on the north-west, even before the date of the 
Crucifixion. This would involve the abandonment 
of the traditional site of Calvary as not being outside 
the city, but we have already seen that this site in 
all probability lay even within the second wall. 

The w^all of Agrippa appears to have been still 
unfinished when its building was stopped by Claudius, 
and in 70 a.d. Titus found it incomplete ' towards the 
north-west. Josephus says, " The first fortification 
was lower, and the second did not join it ; the builders 
neglecting to build the wall strong where the new city 
was not much inhabited." He is speaking of the west 
part of the wall, though on the east as well there seems 
to have been no very formidable rampart north of 
Antonia. The death of Agrippa I., in 44 a.d., marks 
the beginning of Jewish troubles, and no later builder 
attempted to strengthen Jerusalem farther on the 

Events hurried on to the final catastrophe during 
the quarter of a century that nov/ followed,- and 
the narratives of Josephus are full of allusions to 
the city and to its topography. The Christians at 

> " Wars," V. vi. 2. 

' "Ant.," XX. i. I, V. 2, vii. i, viii. 5, 9, 11, ix. i, 2, xi. 2 ; "Wars,' 
II. xii. I, xiii. 2, xiv. i, 2, 6, xv. 1-6, xvi. 1-3, xvii. i-io, xviii.i, down 
to xix. 9. 


Jerusalem were persecuted by Agrippa just before 
his death. James the Less was killed by the sword, 
and Peter was imprisoned.^ Cuspius Fadus, the 
eighth procurator, was then appointed by Claudius, 
and he took away again from the priests the custody 
of the high-priest's vestments, which were kept in 
Antonia. In 49 a.d., under Ventidius Cumanus, 
Roman soldiers insulted the Temple at the Feast of 
Passover. A riot followed, and a massacre turned 
the feast into mourning and defiled the Holy House 
with blood. In 52 a.d. Felix replaced Cumanus, and 
the discontent of the Jews increased under his rule 
when Nero became emperor two years later. Of 
Felix, who married Drusilla, sister of Agrippa II., 
Tacitus sa3'S that " he exercised all kind of barbarity 
and extravagance, as if he had royal authority with 
the disposition of a slave." ** He had been a good 
while ago set over Judaea, and thought he might be 
guilty of all sorts of wickedness with impunity," 
relying on the power of his brother Pallas at Rome. 
Cumanus was then ruling Galilee, and Felix, " by the 
use of unseasonable remedies, blew up the coals of 
sedition into a flame, and was imitated by his partner 
in the government, Ventidius Cumanus." '" 

A short respite of four years, under Porcius Festus 
and Albinus (60 to 64 a.d.), preceded the fatal selection 
of Gessius Florus, the last procurator. During this 
time the Temple was finished,^ and Agrippa II. re- 
built the Hasmonsean palace. This gave great offence 
to the priests, because it had a view of the inner 
Temple ; and they built a screen on the cloister wall 
which Festus ordered them to remove. Agrippa had 
been given authority over the Temple by Claudius, 
and refused to expend its treasure on a projected 

' Acts xii. 1-23. 

* Tacitus, " Hist.," V. ix., "Annals," xii., as quoted by VVhiston. 

' "Ant.," XX. ix. 7, viii. ii ; "Wars," V. i. 5. 


rebuilding of the eastern cloister, though he did not 
object to the paving of the city. Under Albinus/ 
James the "brother of Jesus who was called Christ" 
was stoned to death by an illegal order of the 
Sanhedrin, according to the famous passage in 
Josephus, and Agrippa was obliged to depose the 
high-priest Ananus, because of the wrath of Albinus, 
whose consent had not been given to this third 
execution at the " House of Stoning." It was 
probably after this persecution, about 64 a.d., that 
the surviving disciples left Jerusalem. James the 
Great was alive at Jerusalem in 58 a.d., so that 
there is no difficulty as to his martyrdom about 
62 A.D. But it is remarkable that, on the occasion 
of Paul's last visit to Jerusalem, Peter is not men- 
tioned, though he was still one of the "pillars" in 
52 A.D. He had perhaps died in the interval, and 
the belief in his later martyrdom at Rome is not 
supported by any statement in the New Testament. 
The diminished band of the Apostles withdrew be- 
fore the time of the great revolt, and found peace at 
the little village of Pella beyond Jordan, escaping 
the miseries of the final siege, the " beginning of 
sorrows " when false Messiahs, such as Eleazar and 
the Egyptian prophet, appeared, and when there were 
" wars and rumours of wars " throughout Palestine. 
Within the time of the first generation they saw the 
end of their world. " For the days shall come upon 
thee that thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee, 
and compass thee round, and keep thee in on every 
side, and shall lay thee even with the ground and 
thy children within thee, and they shall not leave 
one stone upon another, because thou knewest not 
the time of thy visitation."^ 

The Roman world was not likely to prosper under 

' " Ant ," XX. ix. I ; Acts xxi. i8 ; i Cor. ix, 5 ; Gal. ii. 9. 

* Matt. xxiv. 4-42 ; Mark xiii. 5-37 ; Luke xix. 42-4, xxi. 5-36. 


an emperor like Nero, who would not trouble him- 
self with its more serious affairs, and Gessius Florus 
was a bad procurator under an evil master. Cestius 
Gallus, governor of Syria,i in vain attempted to 
restore order when he visited Jerusalem, and re- 
ceived the appeal of the Jews against their tyrant, 
who was accused of appropriating the sacred treasures. 
Florus entered Jerusalem in wrath, and allowed his 
soldiers to pillage the upper market. He is said 
to have crucified many Jews, and to have ordered 
a massacre, in spite of the entreaties of Berenice, 
while a procession of priests preceded by harpers 
and singers strove to pacify the insurgents. The 
Romans drove the mob with clubs to the Bezetha 
quarter, but failed to gain entry into Antonia, and 
Florus withdrew to the citadel of the upper city. 
The Jews appear to have barricaded the approach 
to the Temple by cutting down the cloisters on the 
north. The citizens, supported by Berenice, appealed 
to Cestius, and Florus retreated to Caesarea. 

Agrippa II. now returned from Eg^^pt to Jamnia, 
near Joppa, and to him the Jews also appealed. 
Cestius sent his envoy Neapolitanus, who was received 
at Siloam, escorted round the walls, and after wor- 
shipping in the Temple returned to Syria. Agrippa 
from his palace addressed the crowd, and Berenice 
wept before them. But when he attempted to collect 
the arrears of taxation he was stoned, and left Jeru- 
salem in disgust. The fanatical spirit of the rioters 
was fanned b}'^ Eleazar, son of the high-priest, and 
the more moderate and peaceful party were forced 
to seek refuge with the Romans in the upper city 
fortress. The fierce " siccarii," or " dagger men," drove 
the soldiers of Agrippa into this citadel. They burned 
the house of the high-priest, the palaces of Agrippa 
and Berenice, and the place of the " archives " where 

' " Wars," II. xiv. 2-xix. 9. 


the legal contracts were stored : they thus destroyed 
any records of their debts or agreements. Some of 
the priests were forced to hide in underground vaults, 
while others fled to the " upper palace" built by Herod 
the Great. The rebels attacked Antonia, which fell 
into their hands after two days, and was set on 
fire ; they then attacked the western citadel, driving 
the Romans to the three towers Hippicus, Phasaelus, 
and Mariamne. They were led by a certain Menahem, 
who for the moment eclipsed Eleazar : he was the 
son of Judas the Galilean, and assumed royal state. 
The high-priest was found hidden in the aqueduct 
tunnel and was killed, which roused his son Eleazar 
to attack Menahem, who fled to Ophel. Metellius, 
the Roman commander, reduced to extremities when 
one of the towers of the western fortress had been 
undermined, at length was forced to treat with 
Eleazar. The Romans laid down their shields and 
swords, but some were then slain, and others com- 
pelled to become Jews. There seems to have been 
no more than a single cohort (perhaps 1,000 men) 
in the city, which thus fell entirely into the hands 
of the fanatical party. 

The Roman governors, selected by emperors like 
Nero, were no doubt both corrupt and incapable ; 
but the hatred of Semitic peoples was a survival of 
the ancient hatred of Carthage. The Romans de- 
spised a civilisation and a religion which were far 
more ancient and more lofty than their own. The 
Jews, when governed honestly, were content to re- 
main under the empire ; they only asked for freedom 
to follow their own law, as they had asked the 
Greeks in earlier days. But Roman prejudices against 
them can best be understood by reading Tacitus, 
who. hated them, or the poets, who knew only the 
more degraded class of Jewish hucksters crowded in 
the ghetto in Rome. Tacitus says that " the Jews 


were the only people who stood out, which increased 
the rage" of the Roman race. He supposed that 
they came originally from Crete, or from Libya, or 
from Assyria, and he repeats the libels which are 
attributed to Manetho the Egyptian priest. He had 
heard of Moses as a law-giver, but his belief that 
the image of an ass was adored in the Temple may 
have arisen from some distorted account of the 
Cherubim, if these may be regarded as having had 
animal forms, as in the vision of Ezekiel. He admits 
that " among themselves there is an unalterable fidelity 
and kindness always ready at hand," yet adds, " but 
bitter enmity against all others." "The Jews have 
no idea of more than one divine being," is his comment 
on the religion of the race, and he contradicts himself 
when he says, " They have no images in their cities, 
much less in their temples." But the enmity felt 
against Israel was political rather than religious. 
Jerusalem was the last stronghold of a nation which 
refused to be absorbed in the cosmopolitan system of 
the empire. 

Against this rebellious city Cestius Gallus now 
hastened from Syria,^ and with the 12th legion from 
Caesarea he reached Beth-horon and Gibeon, where 
Simon, son of Gioras, attacked him in rear on a 
sabbath day. This caused three days' delay, after 
which he encamped at Skopos (" the view "), which 
was 7 furlongs north of Jerusalem, at the high 
ridge where the city first becomes fully visible on 
the north road. No attempt was made by the rebels 
to defend the unfinished wall of Agrippa, or the 
northern suburbs, and the Romans set fire to 
Bezetha and to the wood market. Cestius then 
attacked the upper city at the high saddle by the 
royal towers but desisted after five days. Intrigue 
and treachery are the bane of generals, and Florus 

' " Wars," II. xviii. lo-xix. 9 ; Tacitus, " Hist.," V. x. 


desired apparently that Cestius should fail, with 
10,000 men, to retake the city which he had deserted, 
leaving only 1,000 to guard it. According to Josephus, 
Florus intrigued with officers of the auxiliary cavalry ; 
and a certain T3^rannius Priscus induced Cestius to 
attack Antonia and the Temple instead of the upper 
city. The commander found his troops unreliable 
and his officers untrustworthy. He was also perhaps 
ill himself, for he died (according to Tacitus) shortly 
after, " whether by fate or that he was weary of life 
is uncertain." He gave up when probably on the eve 
of success, and retreated to Gibeon to await reinforce- 
ments. But he was vigorously pursued, and after 
two days the retreat became a rout, and he lost half 
the legion and all his cavalry. The remnant fled 
down the Beth-horon pass to Antipatris and Caesarea. 
This second defeat of Rome occurred in the twelfth 
year of Nero, some time in October, so that further 
operations became difficult till the next spring. 

The disasters thus brought on the empire by Florus 
and Nero cost Rome four years of effort to repair, and 
entailed the systematic reduction of the whole of 
Palestine. On the death of Cestius, Vespasian was 
ordered to the east in the year 66 a.d. His ability 
had been shown twenty years before, when, at the 
age of thirty-seven, he was commanding in Britain, 
where he subdued the isle of Vectis. He was now 
pro-consul in Africa, and had thus a wide experience 
of war in the west and in the east alike. He made 
his base in Syria, and gathered a force of four legions, 
ordering reinforcements from Egypt to fill the ranks 
of the 5th and loth, or Macedonian and Fretensis, 
legions.^ His plan was to conquer the country com- 
pletely from the north, in order finally to march on 
Jerusalem from all sides except the south. The war 
thus began in Galilee, and it was not till February, 

' "Wars," V. i, 6 ; Tacitus, " Hist.," V. i. 


68 A.D., that Gadara submitted, and allowed of his 
advance to Jericho in May. This success gained him 
the confidence of the Romans; and the 5th, loth, and 
15th legions, whom he met in Syria, knew him well, 
having served under him before. The 12th legion 
was made up to strength by drafts from the 22nd 
and 23rd legions stationed at Alexandria. On July i, 

69 A.D., Vespasian was proclaimed emperor, and left 
for Italy. The final triumph was thus reserved for 
his brave and able son Titus. 

A Roman legion, at this period of history, answered 
to a division, consisting of 5,000 to 6,000 regular 
infantry, with the same number of auxiliaries, and 
300 cavalry. In addition to a force of at least 40,000 
men, Titus had also a number of native allies. The 
Arabs sent 5,000 archers and 1,000 horsemen, and 
Agrippa — who joined the army in Galilee — brought 
1,000 foot and 1,000 horse. Thus Josephus is probably 
right in estimating the total at about 60,000 in all. 
This army indeed represented a very moderate force 
for the reduction of the whole country and for the 
conquest of the difficult mountain region round Jeru- 
salem, though the Crusaders afterwards took the city 
with 40,000 men. It was very important, not only for 
the Flavian family, but for the peace of the world, that 
there should be no further defeat of Rome, and a 
margin of safety was desirable. The fighting force 
in Jerusalem did not probably exceed 20,000 in all, 
and though a proportion of three to one was barely 
sufficient for the besiegers of so strong a fortress, the 
Romans were far superior in discipline and in the use 
of engines of war. 

The final concentration began in the spring of 70 a.d. 
The 5th, or Macedonian, legion came up from Emmaus 
Nicopolis on the west ; the loth (Fretensis) from 
Jericho to the Mount of Olives; the 15th (Apolli- 
naris) marched on Gophna, north of Bethel ; and the 


disgraced 12th legion (Fulminata) joined them from 
Caesarea. Thus in the final advance the last named 
was in the centre — at Skopos — with the loth to its 
left and the 15th to its right, the 5th and the 
auxiliaries forming the reserve in rear. In this 
order the forces remained till the later stages of the 
siege, when the 5th legion came into the fighting 
line against Antonia, and the loth was transferred 
to the right centre, joining the 15th in the attack 
on the upper city. 

The defenders of the city were divided into three 
factions,' which fought one another within the walls. 
The Zealots, under the command of John of Gischala, 
and Eleazar son of Simon, sent in 68 a.d. to the 
Idumaeans for assistance, and these wild warriors 
were admitted during a terrible storm by the fanatics, 
who sawed the bars of the city gate, closed by order 
of the high-priest. They passed through the city to 
the Temple, where they surprised the guards ; and 
the high-priest himself was slain. But after creating 
anarchy by the murder of many of the moderate party, 
and of Zachariah, son of Baruch, who was accused — 
like Jeremiah — of being a friend of the foe, and who 
fell in the middle of the Temple, the Idumaeans — like 
other Arabs — got tired of the war, and desired to 
return home with their plunder. The better class of 
the inhabitants preferred the Romans to the Zealots, 
and many of them also deserted the city. Vespasian, 
who had heard of the death of Nero, which occurred 
on June 16, 6S a.d., showed no signs of advance on 
the town, and John of Gischala was left for a time to 
tyrannise over Jerusalem. But, in April of the next 
year, Simon, son of Gioras, brought back the Idumaeans 
in the third year of the war, and drove John into the 
Temple, where he erected four towers in the cloisters, 
one on the north-west above the lower city, another 

1 " Wars," IV. iv. i, v. i, vi. i, vii. i, 2, ix. 3-12, V. i 4. 


on the north-east, a third as a signal tower on the top 
of the Pastophoria (or "Chamber of Offerings"^), 
where a priest used to stand to announce the sabbath 
by blowing a trumpet, and the fourth near the Xystos, 
apparently at the east end of the Tyropoeon bridge. 
Simon made another tower at its west end, to prevent 
the faction of John having access to the upper city. 
John soon quarrelled with Eleazar, w'ho held the inner 
temple, and, when the Romans appeared at Passover 
time in 70 a.d., he succeeded in obtaining entrance into 
the courts, and treacherously made himself master of 
the whole. His forces, including the Zealots, are 
reckoned at 8,400 men by Josephus. He defended 
the eastern hill from Bezetha to Ophel, while Simon, 
with a total force of 15,000 men, including 5,000 
Idumaeans, held the rest of the city to the west. 

The Romans were first seen three days before the 
Passover, when Titus camped on Skopos ; but the 
siege is only reckoned by Josephus as beginning 
after the feast, on Abib 23. It lasted for 134 days, 
or more than four months, and ended in the heat 
of summer some time in August.^ The details are 
important, as illustrating the topography of the city, 
and can be easily understood by the light of our 
previous studies : some of the places mentioned 
appear, however, to have been built after the time 
of Herod the Great, Thus, in addition to the two 
palaces of the upper city, we now find in the lower 
city two others built by the royal family of Adiabene 
during their residence in Jerusalem. The first of these 
was the palace of Queen Helena in " the middle of 
Akra," and the other that of her son Monobasus near 
Siloam. The sons and brothers of Izates — Helena's 

' No doubt at the Gate Korbaii ("of the offering "). 

- See journal of siege, " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., 
p. 4. Canon Williams made the curious mistake of reckoning by solar 
months, for the details show that lunar months, of alternately 30 and 
29 days, are intended by Josephus. 


Roch Contours 
shown thus:- 


^ I N N OM y ^ji^.rTomb of 






1 The Xystos 

2 Tfte Council House 

3 The Pool Strouthios 

4 The Towtr Hippicus 

Scale of Feet. 


5 The Tower Phasaelus 

6 „ ,, Maiiatttnc 

7 The Bridge 

8 The Double Gale 

G = Gate 

9 The Triple Gate 

10 The Shushan Gate 

11 The Gate Tadi 

p. 176] 



eldest son — were in Jerusalem during the siege, but 
gave themselves up to Titus after the fall of the 
Temple.^ We also learn that there was a monument 
of John Hyrcanus in the west part of the lower city, 
and one of Alexander Jannaeus, probably east of the 
Temple. We hear for the first time of the pools 
Strouthios and Amygdalon, and of the Serpent's Pool 
outside the city, as also of Herod's monuments and 
the tomb of Ananus, with other places that have been 
already mentioned. But the fortifications remained 
much in the same condition in which they had been 
left by Agrippa I. nearly thirty years before the siege. 
The first reconnaissance of the city by Titus nearly 
led to disaster, probably because he underestimated 
the daring of the defenders. He came down the north 
road to the tomb of Helena,- where he began to 
diverge to the right in order to examine the tower 
Psephinus. In the neighbourhood of Agrippa's wall 
there were enclosed gardens, with stone walls and 
ditches, and the Romans were entangled in the narrow 
lanes outside the city. Titus was not even wearing 
his armour when the Jews sallied suddenly out of the 
Women's Towers, and, under cover of the garden 
walls, cut off the advanced party of horsemen from 
their supports on the north road, and showered darts 
at Titus, who, however, escaped unwounded. The 
legions now began to make their camps at and in rear 
of Skopos, and on the Mount of Olives, probably not 
very far east of the central or Skopos camp.^ A second 
sally* astonished the loth legion while so employed, 
at a distance of 6 furlongs from the city. The 
Romans were here twice thrown into confusion by 

' " Wars," V. vi. i, VI. vi. 4. 

* See back, p. 164. 

^ The old camp at Tellilia above a valley west of Skopos is quite 
possibly one of those made in 70 a.d. See my description (" Mem. 
Survey West Pal.," iii. p. 161). 

* " Wars," V. ii. 3-5, iii. 2. 



the first surprise and by a second daring attack, and 
were twice rallied by Titus himself, whose courage 
saved a serious defeat on his left flank, and taught 
his soldiers confidence and discipline. After this he 
began to clear the approaches b}^ levelling the garden 
walls and hedges, and cutting down the fig and olive 
trees to the very foot of Agrippa's wall, and on the 
west to " Herod's monuments," which have now dis- 
appeared, but which were close to the Serpent's Pool, 
which seems to have been that now known as the 
Birket Mamilla. This work was interrupted by another 
desperate sally from the Women's Towers ; but after 
four days' labour the besieging force took up its 
positions, the intention of Titus being to break in on 
the north-west, and thus, as in former sieges, to attack 
the upper city at the saddle north of the royal towers, 
and the Temple at Antonia. The headquarters were 
advanced to within 2 furlongs of the north-west angle 
at Psephinus, and b}^ Abib 24 the banks defending the 
siege engines were completed. 

Cestius Gallus had left his rams and catapults 
behind him in his hurried flight, and these were now 
used by the defenders, who were instructed by those 
legionaries who had been saved by becoming Jews 
when the cohort left by Florus laid down its arms. 
They were, however, ill-accustomed to the use of the 
balistcc, which threw stones and darts ; and the en- 
gines of the besiegers (rams, balistae, and siege towers) 
were superior to those of the defence, some engines 
of the loth legion being able to throw a stone of 
one and a half hundredweight for a quarter of a mile. 
The Jews watched the white stones soaring through 
the air, and warned the defenders, crying in Aramaic, 
"The stone is coming"^; but the Romans afterwards 
discoloured the projectiles to make them less visible. 

' This passage ("Wars," V. vi. 3) indicates the Aramaic original of 
the book. The Greek translator renders eben "son," instead of "stone." 


The description of Jerusalem at the time of its fall, 
given by Tacitus/ is brief, but so like the longer 
accounts of Josephus as to have been supposed to be 
founded on them ; it contains, however, details which 
seem original. He says that "there were other walls 
beneath the royal palace, besides the tower of Antonia, 
with its top particularly conspicuous. . . . The temple 
was like a citadel, having walls of its own. . . . The 
cloisters wherewith the temple was enclosed were an 
excellent fortification. They had a fountain of water 
that ran perpetually, and the mountains were hollowed 
underground ; they had, moreover, pools and cisterns 
for the preservation of rain water. . . . Moreover, the 
covetous temper that prevailed in the time of Claudius 
gave the Jews an opportunity of purchasing with 
money leave to fortify Jerusalem. So they built walls 
in time of peace." The estimate of population by 
Tacitus is, however, not much less exaggerated than 
the incredible calculations of Josephus; but the latter 
gives a very fair idea of the proportion between the 
actual combatants and of their respective numbers. 

On the fifteenth day of the siege, after the corner of 
a tower was shaken by .the battering ram of the 15th 
legion, and a sally from the " secret gate " near Hip- 
picus had been repulsed, the wall of Agrippa was 
taken, in spite of the destruction of three siege towers. 
The defenders apparently found the line of defence 
too extended for their numbers, and many — grown 
weary of fighting and watching — had retired to the 
inner city to sleep. The Romans demolished the 
rampart, and wasted the north quarter of the town, 
which had already been partly destroyed by Cestius 
Gallus. The camp of Titus was moved within 
Agrippa's wall to a place on the north-west of the 
second wall known as the " Camp of the Assyrians," 
in memory of the attack made on Hezekiah in 703 B.C., 

1 " Hist.," V. xi. xii. 


when the Assyrian leaders stood outside the wall by 
the "Conduit of the Upper Pool." Simon therefore 
endeavoured to prevent the building of new banks by 
sallies from Hippicus on this side, at the gate by which 
"the water was brought in" to that tower b}^ the 
ancient conduit of Ahaz, as it is still brought in to 
the citadel even now. 

On the twentieth day of the siege the second wall was 
breached, and the Romans broke in on the north at 
"a place where were the merchants of wool, the 
braziers, the market for cloth, and where the narrow 
streets led obliquely to the wall." They were, how- 
ever, driven out again, and the wall was not finally 
taken till three days later, when a truce was called 
to see if the Jews would submit. As no overtures 
were made by the defenders, the new banks against 
the upper city and Antonia were begun on the twenty- 
eighth day, and finished on the thirty-seventh day of 
the siege, when the struggle again became desperate.^ 

The bank erected by the loth legion is described as 
being near the Pool Am3'gdalon, and that of the 15th 
legion was 30 cubits from it — evidently on the west — 
at the monument of the high-priest John Hyrcanus. 
A few words may be spared to discuss these sites.^ 
Josephus wrote his "Wars of the Jews" in Aramaic,^ 
but whether he personally translated this work into 
Greek may be doubted, as the translator shows signs 
of imperfect acquaintance with the language of the 
original. Thus it is probable that Amygdalon (" the 
almond ") is only a transliteration really for Ha- 
Migdolon (" the great tower"). The pool is not noticed 
till after the second wall had been taken, at its weakest 
point on the north-west, where (as described in 134 B.C.) 
the ground was on the same level inside and outside 
the rampart.' It seems clear therefore that this pool 

' "Wars," V. vii. 2-xi. 4. ^ Ibid., Preface, i. 

^ Ibid., V. vi. 2, vii. 3, ix. 2, xi. 4. ■• "Ant.," XIII. viii. 2. 


was the tank now known as " Hezekiah's Pool," near 
the great tower of Phasaelus. The monument of John 
Hyrcanus must have been to its west, and is described 
as being outside the second wall, though only about 
40 feet either from the pool or from the Roman bank, 
which must have been on the saddle west of the pool. 
This description defines pretty closely the line of 
the second wall at this point. The banks raised by 
the Romans were for the protection of those who 
worked the rams, balistae, and siege towers, and for 
this reason John's monument could not have been far 
north of the wall of the upper city. All the notices 
agree in placing it somewhere near the Pool Amygdalon 
to the west. 

Titus appears to have been anxious to save his men, 
and even to save the besieged ; he now endeavoured 
to induce them to submit, while afterwards he pre- 
ferred the slower method of blockade to the chances 
of assault on the two remaining strongholds. Josephus 
was commissioned to address the defenders, which he 
did at some danger to himself.^ Though he was a 
priest, and a Pharisee, he was hated by the Zealots 
because he belonged to the moderate party, and to 
the liberal school of educated Jews who agreed with 
Gamaliel in Jerusalem and Philo in Egypt. He had 
fought bravely in Galilee, but was disgusted with 
the Zealot leaders, John and Eleazar. He had a wider 
knowledge of the world than they had, and his 
embassy to Poppea — nearly twenty years before — 
had made him favourably known at Rome.^ Vespasian 
spared his life when he was captured after the fall 
of Jotapata; and from that time, knowing that the 
struggle for freedom was hopeless, he endeavoured 
to save his country from further misery. His speech 
to the besieged was on the familiar lines of which 

• " Wars," V. ix. 3, 4. 

» " Life," 3 ; " Wars," III. vii. 2-viii. 9. 


we have instances in the New Testament, rehearsing 
Hebrew history from Abraham down to Herod. Its 
most interesting passage, however, is that which 
refers to Siloam. He regarded the Romans as being 
now in the right, though in the wrong when Sosius 
was defeated, and that they were consequently favoured 
by God in the supply of water due to the abundant 
rain of the season. "As for Titus, those springs which 
were formerly almost dried up when they were under 
your power, since he has come, run more plentifully 
than the}^ did before ; accordingly you know that 
Siloam, as well as all the other springs that were 
without the city, did so far fail that water was strictly 
sold by measure, whereas they now have such a great 
quantity of water, for your enemies, as is sufficient not 
only for drink both for themselves and their beasts, 
but even to water their gardens." This passage agrees 
with the accounts of the south wall already mentioned 
in placing Siloam outside its line. It is also remark- 
able that, while the besieged suffered long agonies 
from famine, they are not said to have suffered from 
thirst. No doubt the rains also filled their cisterns, 
and the great tanks would have been filled up from the 
aqueducts before the latter were cut off b}'^ the Romans. 
The horrors of the siege, famine, rapine, and dis- 
sension within, crucifixion and torture for those who 
deserted, are detailed by Josephus. " A deep silence 
also and a kind of deadly night had seized on the 
city ; while yet the robbers were still more terrible 
than these miseries were themselves " ; yet there 
was no thought of submission among those desperate 
men who fought on for all that was dear to them — 
for faith and freedom as of old. They had been 
goaded to rebellion after years of oppression, and 
Nero was as guilty of the burning of Jerusalem as 
he was of the burning of Rome. Yet without the 
miseries of those four months the new world could 


not begin. The Christian and the Jew alike were 
set free from the shackles of the past when the undying 
fire went out for ever on Tammuz 17 — thenceforth a 
fast-day in Israel.* 

All through May the struggle for Antonia went on, 
from the thirty-eighth day of the siege till the sixty- 
eighth day. The Roman banks in the fosse were 
undermined — no doubt by use of the rock tunnel 
leading to the Pool Strouthios — and the Romans 
were forced for a time to abandon their engines. 
The banks against the upper city were also destroyed, 
and Titus, after these repulses, determined to sur- 
round the city with a blockading wall, and so to starve 
out the defenders. The length of 40 furlongs, or 
5 miles, given by Josephus for this vallum- appears 
to be fairly correct. It had thirteen small forts along 
its line. Its appearance may be judged from the 
existing remains of a similar wall, built by Silva 
round Masada^a little later, on which I have looked 
down from the heights of that desert fortress near 
the Dead Sea. It is a dry-stone rampart, with two 
large camps behind it on the north-west and north- 
east. Its length is less than 3,000 yards, and in part 
of this distance there are six small forts on the line 
at intervals of 500 feet on the average. The vallum 
of Titus began near his own headquarters at the 
" Camp of the Assyrians," and stretched east through 
Bezetha and over the Kidron to Olivet, where it bent 
at the " Rock of the Dovecote." This point seems to 
be fixed by the description of an existing rock cutting 
noted* by Sir Charles Wilson in 1864: "Entering 
the village of Siloam on the north, there is on the 
left a high cliff which bears evident signs of having 

1 "Wars," VI. ii. i ; Mishnah, Taafiith, iv. 6. 

» " Wars," V. xii. 2. 

' See my plan and account, " Mem. West Pal. Survey," iii. p. 417. 

* " Ord. Survey Notes," p. 64. 


been worked as a quarry, and on the summit of 
which is a curious place which appears to have 
been an old dovecote cut in the rock." Thence the 
wall went to the " other hill " (the south summit of 
Olivet), " over the valley which reaches to Siloam." 
It then crossed the " Valley of the Fountain," by 
which perhaps we may understand the present " Well 
of Job," and climbed the south precipice of Hinnom, 
near the " monument of Ananus the high-priest," 
which was probably the fine tomb now called the 
" Retreat of the Apostles," which was converted later 
into a chapel with a frescoed roof.' The wall ran 
along the cliff to the west side of the city, and turned 
north near a hamlet called the "House of Erebinthi,"- 
and thus reached Herod's monuments near the present 
Mamilla pool, and its original starting-place farther 
north-east. This work is said to have been completed 
in three days. 

Meanwhile, the banks were repaired, and were ready 
by the sixty-sixth day of the siege, when the summer 
sun was beating down mercilessl}^ on besiegers and 
besieged. Four days later the Syrian soldier Sabinus 
attempted to lead a forlorn hope against Antonia. 
" His complexion was black, his flesh was lean 
and spare and well knit, but there was a certain 
heroic soul that dwelt in this small body." He 
perished in the attempt, but two nights later, about 
3 a.m., the standard-bearer of the 5th legion, with 
two cavalry-men and a trumpeter, surprised the 
citadel, clambered up the ruins of the breach, and 
slew the sentries. The Romans poured in, and the 
"top of the hill" — or scarp of Antonia — being oc- 
cupied, the key of the Temple fortress was in their 

' " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., p. 419. 

' Perhaps the Aramaic really read Beth ha Rababthi {B and A' being 
much alike), thus connecting the place with the present Valley of 
Rabdbch — the Hinnom gorge. 


hands. Yet the inner Temple resisted still for 
thirty-five days, till the fatal ninth of Ab/ the day on 
which, according to the rabbis, the Holy House had 
been ruined by the Babylonians, and the day also on 
which Bether fell sixty-five years later. The daily 
sacrifice had ceased three weeks before, also on a 
day of evil memory on which Antiochus Epiphanes 
had burned the scroll of the Law. The formal siege 
of the inner courts entailed the clearance of the 
Antonia courtyard, and the erection of four banks 
on the north side, one at the north-west corner of 
the Priests' Court, a second at Moked, and two others 
outside the Court of the Women. The outer cloisters 
were set on fire, and burned fiercely in the dry 
season, especially because the gilding that adorned 
the roofs was spread over a wax covering of the 
timbers. The great gatehouse was battered, the 
golden gates were set on fire. The bodies of 
the defenders were piled round the altar, and the 
blood — not of bulls or goats, but of men — ran down 
the steps. Yet the survivors still fought from the 
roof of the Temple itself, hurling the leaden spikes 
which kept birds from nesting on the Holy House 
upon the Romans below, until the fire reached them, 
and a few submitted and were spared, except the 
priests, whom Titus ordered to be slain. 

The capture of the Temple placed the lower city 
at the mercy of the victors, and the soldiers plundered 
the Akra, the Council House, and the Ophel, setting 
the whole on fire to Siloam. Yet the upper city still 
held out under Simon, son of Gioras, the last left of the 
rebel leaders. Eleven days after the Temple was fired, 
banks were begun against this last citadel, and the 
siege dragged on yet for eighteen days more,^ till at 
length the rampart was breached on the west, and 

1 "Wars," VI. i. 6-iv. 6 ; Mishnah, Taanith, iv. 6, 7. 
» " Wars," VI. viii. 1-4. 


the upper city also fell, after a siege of 134 days, on 
Elul 8, in August. The few survivors fled to Siloam 
and hid in the tunnel. Simon concealed himself in a 
" certain subterranean cavern," and John in another. 
The latter was forced by hunger to give himself up, 
and was sentenced to imprisonment for life. The whole 
city was burned and the walls entirely demolished, 
except the three " royal towers " and part of the wall 
on the west side of the upper city, where the loth 
legion was left under Terentius Rufus. A little later, 
while Titus was still at Caesarea, *' Simon, thinking he 
might be able to astonish and delude the Romans" — 
after he had failed to mine his way out of the cavern 
— ** put on a white dress and buttoned on him a purple 
robe, and appeared out of the ground in the place 
where the Temple had formerly been." He thus 
seems to have been hidden in the cave under the 
Sakhrah. He was taken alive, and afterwards walked 
the Via Sacra at Rome, to meet his death in the 
triumph of Titus, 

The captives were condemned to fight wild beasts 
at Caesarea. The golden lamp, the golden table, the 
trumpets of Jubilee, and the Temple copy of the law^ 
(afterwards given to Josephus), were borne in triumph 
on that day, as the arch of Titus still bears witness. 
Medals were struck recording the great victorj^^ with 
the head of Vespasian on one side and on the other 
Israel mourning under the palm, with the Latin legend 
" Judaea Capta." Well might they remember the pro- 
phecies of Jesus, son of Ananus, who for eight years 
had walked the streets, crying, " Woe, woe, to Jeru- 
salem ! " till the stone from an engine slew him ; and 
the prediction that the temple should perish when 
it became a quadrangle ; and, above all, that awful 
night ^ of the last Pentecost ever celebrated in the 

1 Josephus, " Life," 75. - Madden, " Coins of the Jews," pp. 183-97. 
^ Tacitus, " Hist.,'' V. xiii. ; Josephus, " Wars," VI. v. 3 


sanctuary, to which Tacitus and Josephus alike refer. 
" As the priests were going by night to the inner 
Temple as their custom was, to perform their sacred 
ministrations, they said that first of all they felt a 
quaking and heard a great noise " — the sound of the 
great doors of Nicanor as they swung suddenly open 
— " and after that they heard a sound as of a great 
multitude saying, Let us depart hence." 



When the last smouldering fires had burned out 
among the ruins, the silence of death came ov^er the 
desolate heaps which had once been Jerusalem, nor 
does it appear certain that any buildings were erected, 
or any native population allowed to dwell on the site, 
for sixty-five years after the fall of the city. The camp 
of the loth legion was built on the plateau of the 
upper city, and was defended by the three great 
towers, which would form a citadel still in case of 
need. The demolition of the walls appears otherwise 
to have been so complete as to leave no traces of their 
lines thereafter, though the huge blocks lay on the 
ground, and were used again when the Roman 
colonial city, yElia Capitolina, was built. Every stone 
of the Holy House seems to have been deliberately 
removed. The outer Temple ramparts were over- 
thrown into the valleys, down to the level of the 
plateau formed by Herod within them. Two but- 
tresses only were left on the north-west, close to 
Antonia, while on the south-east the corner of the wall 
stood up alone, as it was seen b}^ the pilgrims down to 
the time of Justinian in our sixth century, with the 
spring of a huge arch which supported vaults at this 
angle. The great bridge was broken down to the 
ground, and the stones of its arch still lie on the 
Herodian pavement of the street that passed under it. 
Zion was a " ploughed field," and the rabbis who 



ventured to visit the desolate sanctuary mourned as 
they saw the jackals prowling in its ruins. ^ 

The Sanhedrin established itself at Bureir, in 
Philistia, and afterwards at Jamnia, south of Joppa, 
where a famous school of doctors studied the Scriptures 
down to the time of the later revolt in 135 a.d, ; but it 
would seem that the Jews were not allowed to ap- 
proach their Holy City, and only visited it by stealth. 
Nor have we any certain indication that the Christians 
returned till after the Roman city was built. Euscbius ^ 
gives a list of fourteen bishops following James the 
Just ; but the first of these (St. Simeon) must have left 
Jerusalem in 64 a.d. The second is supposed to have 
been consecrated in 107 a.d. They all bear Jewish 
names, except Seneca (125 a.d.) and his successor 
Justus. As to this "line of the circumcision," which 
was supposed to end in 135 a.d., Eusebius himself 
says, " The space of time which the bishops of 
Jerusalem spent in their see 1 could in no wise find 
preserved in writing . . . but this much I have been 
informed from records, until the siege of the Jews in 
Hadrian's time there were fifteen bishops." 

The presence of the loth legion, Fretensis, is, on 
the other hand, shown by the recovery of inscribed 
objects found by Mr. Bliss,-^ namely, three fragments 
of Roman tiles bearing the abbreviated title of the 
" Legio X Fretensis," and in one case a representation 
of the boar, which was the emblem of this legion. But 
at some time before the year 117 a.d. this garrison was 
changed and the 3rd legion, Cyrenaica, took its place. 

' Jer. .x.xvi. i8; Tal. Bab., Makkoth, 24^. 

■ The list of bishops from ■ Eusebius (" Hist. Eccl.," iv. 5) is given by 
Canon Williams (" Holy City," 1849, i. p. 487). 

^ " Excav. at Jer.," p. 265. Another text by Sabinus, an officer of the 
loth (Fretensis) legion, was supposed by M. Clermont- Ganneau {Pal. 
Expl. Fund Quarterly, 1871, p. 103) to be as late as the time of 
Caracalla, which now seems doubtful, as the 3rd legion had replaced 
the loth in 117 a.d. 


It was also perhaps during this period that the Jews 
and Jewish Christians began to adopt a custom which 
continued in use down to the Middle Ages. The 
" lovers of Zion " desired that their bones might rest 
at the Holy City, and it became a pious duty to gather 
them, and to rebury them near it. There was also, 
in later times at least, a superstitious belief that those 
who were not buried in the "Valley of Decision" 
(Jehoshaphat) would have to find their way there 
through Sheol from their graves^ — a survival of the 
ancient Egyptian belief in the journey of the soul 
through Amenti to the judgment hall of Osiris. It is 
said that, to the present day in Russia, Jewish 
cemeteries are called " Jehoshaphat," and that this 
ancient superstition still survives. Stone caskets, 
adorned by geometrical patterns engraved on the 
sides, were prepared to bring the bones from other 
regions. Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela (about 1163 a.d.) 
speaks of these as existing in the cave of Machpelah at 
Hebron : " You there see caskets filled with the bones 
of Israelites ; for unto this day it is a custom in the 
house of Israel to bring thither the bones of their 
relicts, and of their forefathers, and to leave them 

We have already seen that the bones of the family 
of Nicanor were so buried on Olivet, and that similar 
caskets (or ossuaries) were found in the tomb of 
Helena of Adiabene ^ ; these latter may belong to the 
first century, as the only coins found with them were 
of the reign of Titus. Several other examples were 
found buried on the south spur of Olivet in 1873, and 
were studied by M. Clermont-Ganneau. Hebrew 
names are scratched upon them, and in one instance a 

' See Tal. Bab., Kctuboth, \\\ a; Joel iii. 2, 12. 

' See back, pp. 128, 164. Clermont-Ganneau, in Revue Archeologique, 
May-June, 1883; "Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., p. 404; 
Pal. Expl. Fioid Quarterly^ Jan. 1900, p. 75, report by Mr. C. A. Horn- 
stein ; Oct. igo8, p. 342, report by Mr. R. A. Stewart Macalister. 


rough cross, as though marking the presence of a 
Hebrew Christian from Pella or from Kaukabah in 
Bashan, where Ebionite Christians were hving down 
to our fourth century. The exact age of these 
examples is uncertain, and the presence of the cross — 
an emblem only used in secret before 326 a.d. — rather 
favours the supposition that they are late. In 1900 
other Jewish tombs were explored on the north of 
Olivet, and similar ossuaries were found ; three of 
these bore Greek texts, and another was inscribed 
in Hebrew. The names Protas and Papos are clearly 
written, and that of " Yehohanan bar Sabia " seems 
to be decipherable. Quite recently also Jewish texts 
have been found in a tomb near the village of Silwan, 
with the names of " Abishalom father of Yehohanan," 
and of " Shemra." They are cut in soft rock and 
blacked in, but the last letter of the second name is 
painted in red. To the same class belong probabl}'^ 
the graffiti in the so-called " Tombs of the Prophets " 
on Olivet, one of which was discovered by de Vogu6 
with the words " Phlorianos Astaros " in Greek, and 
the Hebrew broken text " Peace be to 'Ab . . ." There 
are, however, fragments of Greek Christian graffiti 
at this site,^ and though the expression " father of 
Yehohanan " points to burial or re-burial by a son, it 
seems probable that these interments of the bones of 
ancestors may be supposed to be of very various ages. 
The tombs in which they occur are certainly old, for 
they contain kokim tunnels as graves instead of the 
loculi of the Greco-Jewish age. 

In the reign of Trajan- the Jews of Mesopotamia 
and of Egypt broke out into revolt and were subdued, 
but there is no notice of any such rebellion in 

' Clerraont-Ganneaii, in Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, 1871, p. 102; 
de Vogu6, " Temple de Jerusalem," pi. xxxviii. fig. 2. 

' Canon Dalton, in Pal. Expi. Fund Quarterly, April 1896, p. 133; 
Bliss, "Excav. at Jer.," pp. 249-53. 


Palestine. We have evidence that Jerusalem was 
then held by the 3rd legion, which was originally 
called Augusta, but afterwards Cyrenaica on account 
of its success against the Jewish rebels at Cyrene ; 
for a Latin text was found in 1895, built into the 
Turkish wall near the south or Sion Gate. " To Jove 
the best and greatest, Serapis, for the health and 
victory of the Emperor Nerva Trajanus Caesar, the best, 
the august, the German, Dacian, Parthian [victor] ; 
and to the Roman people, the standard bearer of the 
third Cyrenaic legion made " (this). This text cannot 
be earlier than 1 16 a.d., and Trajan died the next year. 
The invocation of Serapis is interesting because 
the Jerusalem coins of Hadrian, the next emperor, 
represent a temple with a statue which seems clearly 
to be that of Serapis as Jove. Serapis, though adored 
at Alexandria with I sis, was not an Eg3^ptian god. 
He was worshipped by the Romans in the second 
century as a supreme deity, but his image was brought 
from Pontus by the first Ptolemy, in the third century 
B.C., to Alexandria, where was his most famous temple.^ 
His statues and his busts on coins represent him as 
a bearded Jupiter sometimes accompanied by the 
infernal dog Cerberus ; on his head appears the 
inodms, or " measure," which may perhaps mean that 
he was the god of measurement and retribution. 
The name is probably very ancient and even of 
Akkadian origin, Sar-api being " the king of the waves " 
or of the "depth."- He thus answers to the ancient 
sea-god Ea, who was supreme in the depths and who 
also resembled Pluto, being the judge of the dead in 
the under-world. His original temple at Sinope was 
on the shore of the Black Sea. Nothing could more 
remarkably illustrate the substitution of pagan worship 

' Tacitus, " Hist.," iv. 83 ; see Gibbon, ch. xxviii. 
* Akkadian sar, " king," and ap, " sea " ; Turkish ad. Apt is also 
" water " in ancient Persian — Sanskrit ap, modern Persian ab. 


at Jerusalem for that of Jehovah than this remarkable 
text, and the site of the Temple was soon after 
consecrated to this Asiatic Jove. 

Much confusion as to the history of Jerusalem under 
Hadrian has been caused by following the later 
statements of Byzantine historians, and by the 
anachronisms of the Talmud, as also by a strange 
theory which attributes the stamping of certain coins 
to the time of the revolt at Bether in 135 a.d. Jerome ^ 
says that " remains of the city existed even to the 
time of prince Hadrian throughout fifty years " — a 
statement which is evidently true since they remain 
still, but which does not suggest that any town had 
been built over the ruins till the time of this emperor. 
It was the policy of Trajan and of Hadrian to break 
up the nationality of the Jews, who were recovering 
from the catastrophe of the fall of Jerusalem, and 
showed signs of determination to revive their ancient 
independence in regions where they were numerous, 
and had grown rich by trade. Hadrian acceded in 
117 A.D., and may possibly have visited Palestine in 
130 A.D. It was then probably that he conceived the 
idea of refounding Jerusalem as an ordinary Roman 
colonial city. Dion Cassius,^ writing less than a 
century later, says of Hadrian that he " stirred up 
a war ... by founding a city at Jerusalem which he 
named ^lia Capitolina, and by setting up another 
temple to Jupiter on the site of the Lord's Temple." 
But it would seem more correct to say that the 
intention thus to paganise the Holy City was the 
immediate cause of the desperate revolt at Bether. 
Renan ^ very truly remarks that " the really historic 
texts do not speak of a taking and destruction of 

' " Epist. ad Dardanum." 

* Dion Cassiiis, Ixix. 12 ; see Robinson, " Bib. Res.," i. p. 367. 
' " L'£glise Chretienne," 1879, p. 541; Euseb , "Hist. Ecd," iv. 6; 
TertuUi.ui, "Contra Jud," 13; Chrysostom, " In Judaeos Horn," v. 11. 



Jerusalem " (at this time), " but by the way they read 
exclude such an event." Eusebius, when following 
the contemporary account of the war by Ariston of 
Pella, says nothing at all about Jerusalem. Tertullian, 
Jerome, and Chrysostom, who believed in a siege of 
Jerusalem by Hadrian, are late authorities. References 
to the exclusion of the Jews from Jerusalem, to be 
found in the writings of Justin Martyr and Eusebius, 
may belong to the time after 135 a.d., and the 
prohibition of circumcision in 132 a.d. was quite 
sufficient to account for Jewish rebellion. 

The story of this rebellion is overgrown with 
legend, and the Rabbinical references seem sometimes 
to confuse the events of the great siege by Titus with 
those of the war against Hadrian. Bether was 
identified by Canon Williams at the present village 
Bittir, six miles south-west of Jerusalem, and its 
proximity to the capital may have led to some 
confusion between the siege of this fortress and that 
of Jerusalem. The place is still a village ^ on a cliff, 
with a fine spring, and a Latin inscription, while the 
name " ruin of the Jew," close b3^, may preserve some 
memory of the desperate struggle led by Bar Cocheba 
and Rabbi 'Akibah. Jerusalem, on the other hand, 
according to Jerome,- " was razed and burned to the 
ground after fifty years, under iElius Hadrianus, so 
that it even lost its former name." The siege and 
capture of Bether put an end to further attempts of 
the Jews to become free from Rome, especially because 
an age of toleration and good government followed. 
The Cyrenaic legion was probably used against them, 
which accounts for the text found in Rome speaking 
of the employment of Getulae from Mauritania in this 

' "Survey West Pal.,'' iii. pp. 20, 21, 128; Pal. Expl. Fund 
Quarterly, 1900, p. 168. Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.," iv. 2, places Bether 
near Jerusalem. 

^ On Ezek. v. i. This passage was perhaps misunderstood by later 


Jewish war, which took place when Lucius Quietus 
had been murdered, and replaced by Tineius Rufus 
as governor of Palestine. During its course the latter 
was superseded by Sextus Julius Severus, who was 
summoned as legate from Britain to put down this 
formidable revolt.' 

In the Mishnah we read that on Ab 9 " Bether 
was taken and the city was ploughed up." Later 
commentators refer the latter statement to the 
time when " Turannus Rufus ploughed up Sion." 
Jerome says that " the city Bethel [Bether] being 
taken, . . . the Temple was ignominiously ploughed, 
the people being oppressed by Titus Annius Rufus." 
The Mishnah, again, speaks of the " wars of Vespasian 
and of Kitus " (Quietus), and apparently means by 
the latter the war of 135 a.d. There thus seems to 
be a confusion between the demolition of Jerusalem 
by Terennius (or Terentius) Rufus in 70 a.d., and the 
later war which began under Tineius Rufus, ^ and 
which had nothing to do with any ploughing up 
either of the Temple or of Sion. As regards the ex- 
clusion of the Jews from Jerusalem, it appears from 
Eusebius that after 135 a.d. they purchased the right 
to weep at the ruins of the temple, for "after the 
Jewish disturbance the place became inaccessible to 
Jews." Justin Martyr, speaking to a Jew about 
Jerusalem, says "that it is guarded from you, that 
none should be in it ; and it is death " to enter. 
Sulpicius Severus relates that a cohort of soldiers 
was placed as a guard, to forbid the entry of any 

' See Derenboiirg, "Pal.," p. 117; Renan, " Eglise Chr6tienne,'" 1879, 
p. 205 ; Robinson, " Bib. Res.," i. p. 368 ; Eusebius, " Hist. Eccl," iv 6 ; 
Mishnah, Ha/ah, iv. 10, Taa?iilh, iv. 7, Sotah, viii 14 ; Jerome onZ^cIi. 
viii. 191, " In Ruf." ii. 8, Tal. Jer., Taanith, iv. 

' Renan," hglise Chretienne," 1S79, p. 193, quotes "Corpus Inscript. 
Lat.," iii. 2, to show that Tineius Rufus was not Legate of Judaea 
after the war, and gives the various spellings. See Dion Cassius, 
l.xix. 13. 


Jew into the city. This edict seems to have fallen 
into disuse under the tolerant Antonines and in the 
third century, but it was renewed by Constantius 11. 
after the revolt of the Jews in Galilee in 339 a.d. ; 
and Jerome says, " Still 3^ou may see a sad crowd, a 
wretched people, who fail to gain pity, assemble and 
draw nigh. Decrepit women, old men in rags . . . 
all weeping ; and while tears drown their cheeks, 
while they raise their livid arms and tear their locks, 
the soldier comes and demands money to allow them 
to weep a little more." ' This pathetic account re- 
minds us of scenes which may still be witnessed at 
Jerusalem, but none of these passages serve to show 
that it was an inhabited place, once more besieged 
and ruined by Hadrian, nor that it was ever occupied 
by the rebels of 135 a.d. 

The leaders of the revolt were Bar Cocheba 
{Kokeba), " the Son of the Star," and Rabbi 'Akibah, 
who believed this pretender to be the true Messiah, 
in spite of the warning of Rabbi Jehohanan, " 'Akibah, 
the grass will be growing between thy jaws before the 
Son of David comes."- The rabbinical accounts of the 
Bether war are late and legendary, and the " Son of 
the Star" is called in the Talmudic allusions "the son 
of falsehood " — Bar Koziba — probably as a term of 
contempt. The theory according to which he struck 
coins in Jerusalem demands notice, in connection with 
the history of the city, but it appears to be one of 
those learned fallacies which are very long in dying.^ 

' Justin Martyr, " Apol.," i. 47 ; Eusebius, " Demonstr. Evang.," vi. 
18; "Hist. Eccl.," iv. 6; Jerome on Zeph. i., Jer. xviii., xx., xxx ; 
Sulpic. Severus, " Hist. Sac," ii. 45 ; Renan, " J^glise Chretienne," 
1879, p. 222 ; Eutychius " Annales," i. 416. 

"^ Midrash, Eka, ii. 2 ; Tal. Jer., Taanith, iv. 7. 

2 Munter (" Judischen Krieg," p. 57) quoted by Munk (" Pal.," 1863, 
p. 605). Munk and Kenan regard this theory as unsound. It was 
advocated by de Saulcy (" Numismatique Judaique," 1854, pp. 157- 
70) and by Madden ("Jewish Coinage," 1864, pp. 154-210). 


Certain silver coins of " Eleazar the Priest," marked 
(by the alphabetic characters used) as being of the 
Hasmonaean age, have been rashly attributed to 
Eleazar, who defended the Temple in 70 a.d. In at 
least one instance the coin is regarded as a forgery 
by both de Vogue and de Saulcy, and this appears 
to appl}^ to all the so-called " coins of the revolts." 
The copper ones bear blundered imitations of genuine 
inscriptions from coins of Simon the Hasmonaean. 
They have been struck on much defaced Roman 
coins of Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, and Trajan, but 
more probably in the nineteenth century than in the 
second century. One such coin bears the name 
Simon, and is struck on a silver tetradrachm of 
Antioch attributed to Vespasian. It does not seem 
to have occurred to the scholars who suppose it to 
have been struck by Simon, son of Gioras, in 70 a.d., 
that as Vespasian had then only been emperor a 
few months, and as Jerusalem was besieged, it is 
quite impossible that an old coin of his reign could 
have been found in the city in the year of its fall. 
The forgery of Jewish coins is still common in 
Palestine, and the forgers did not foresee that the 
remains of the original legend on a coin would be 
read by the trained eye of some European specialist, 
while they thought that the worn surface of the 
coin would show its antiquity, but that its value 
would be much higher if it was regarded as being 
Jewish. The same observation applies to all the 
restruck copper coins, which have been variously 
attributed to Simon son of Gioras, to Simon son 
of Gamaliel, and to Bar Cocheba, who has been 
conjectured to have been also named Simon — of which 
there is no proof at all. The latter assumption 
was necessitated by the fact that some of the coins 
used by the forgers were as late as the reigns of 
Domitian and Trajan. It may, however, be remarked 


that if the Jews, in 135 a.d., struck any coins at all, 
the lettering is not likely to have been in the same 
characters used about 139 b.c, but would have been 
in those used at the time, that is to say, practically 
in square Hebrew. We may regard these coins, 
therefore, as forged imitations of those of Simon 
the Hasmonaean, and they have no bearing on the 
question whether Jerusalem had been rebuilt before 
135 A.D. Appian^ was a contemporary historian, but 
says nothing about any siege of Jerusalem, which 
city he tells us was " razed to the ground by Ves- 
pasian." He adds, "And anew by Hadrian in my 
time" — the word "built" having perhaps dropped 
out, unless further demolitions were needed to clear 
the site for the new city. 

There is no allusion to any coins of Bar Cocheba in 
the Mishnah, and certain passages in the Aramaic 
commentaries which are supposed to support this 
theory seem to have been ill translated,^ and belong 
to later ages. Thus in the Tosiphta (after 500 a.d.) 
a passage referring to " second tithes " appears to say 
that they are " not to be redeemed by coins of per- 
secution \_jnanid] not current, or not engraved. How 
is this to be understood ? When they have false 
coins, even coins of Jerusalem, they must not redeem 
with them . . . yet they might redeem with coins of 
former kings." ^ This statement, at most, indicates 
the existence of forged Jewish coins in our sixth 
century. Again, in the Jerusalem Talmud — a little 
earlier — the passage on which the above is a comment 
runs : " Coins of persecution, or of a son of falsehood 
[^Ben Koziba, that is, " a forger "], cannot be used for 
release. Depreciated coin, according to the decision 

• "De Rebus Syriac," 50. lie wrote in Rome— though an Alex- 
andrian — in 130-47 A.D. 

' The Aramaic texts are given by .Madden, pp. 329-33. 
' Tosiphta, Ma'aser Shent, i. 5. 


of a case by Rabbi Ime, is to be thrown into the Salt 
Sea." ^ A third passage, yet later, reads : " They 
durst not release with coins not current, as for 
instance false coins of Jerusalem, or of former kings." ^ 
The last passage quoted by scholars is equally in- 
definite : " They wanted to retain denarii of Hadriana 
Turiyina, coins for Jerusalem."^ This passage might, 
however, have been in the mind of a later Jewish coiner 
when he used coins of Trajan. It does not clearly 
refer, any more than the other passages, to Bar 

These questions have been noticed in some detail 
because they effect our conclusions as to the history 
of Jerusalem before the revolt of Bether. Christian 
historians, writing two centuries later, believed in a 
second destruction of the city by Hadrian. Eusebius, 
though in one passage he speaks of Jerusalem as ir 
ruins, yet in another says it was half destroyed by 
Titus and half by Hadrian. Jerome also sa^'-s that 
Hadrian " threw down the walls." They regarded this 
as a fulfilment of prophecy,^ especially in connection 
with that of Daniel, and with the expectation of an 
approaching end of the world ; but a modern student 
of the passages to which they allude would be more 
apt to conclude that the history had been misunder- 
stood, and that the true facts did not accord with such 
interpretations of the prophets. 

It is at least generally agreed that Hadrian rebuilt 
Jerusalem in or after the year 135 a.d. The fear, 
mentioned by Dion Cassius as bringing on the war, 
that foreigners would dwell in the Holy City, and that 
strange gods would be there set up, was then justified. 
The emperor, who was very sarcastic about both 

' Tal. Jer., Ma'aser Sheni, i. 2. 
' Tal. Bab., Baba Kama, 97 b. 
' Ibid., Dekoroth, 50 «, Abeda Zara, ^2b. 

* "Hist. Eccl.," iv. 6 ; " Demonstr. Evang.," vi. 18; Jerome on Joel 
i. 4, on Dan. ix. 27, and on Ezek. xxiv. 14. 


Jewish and Christian religions, as we learn from a 
letter of his own, seems to have recognised the 
strength of the site, and to have regarded a modernised 
city as likely to dispel the ancient ideal of Israel, 
though that was for ever preserved by the " mourners 
of Zion." Throughout the second century Roman 
cities continued to spring up in Palestine and Syria, 
each built complete at one time by some imperial 
command, as at Gerasa and Philadelphia, or later at 
Ba'albek and Palm3^ra. They were constructed on a 
definite plan, with a central street of pillars and sur- 
rounding city walls. The theatre, the civil basilica, 
the music hall, and the temples were near the main 
street and the forum ; and the side-streets ran at right 
angles, while an arch of triumph commemorated the 
founder. At Jerusalem also this plan was adopted as 
far as the site and the huge blocks of Herod's towers 
and Temple allowed, and some of the remains of 
Hadrian's city are still traceable by aid of an ancient 

The map in question was discovered a few years 
ago at Medeba in Moab.^ It is a fragment of a mosaic 
which was laid on the lloor of the cathedral, repre- 
senting Palestine as far north as Shechem, both east 
and west of Jordan, with the Sinaitic Desert and the 
Nile Delta. It was evidently constructed before the 
Moslem Conquest, and is supposed to date earlier 
than the building by Eudocia of a new wall at 
Jerusalem about 450 a.d. It shows the basilica of 
Constantine, which perished in 614 a.d., and all its 
inscriptions are in Byzantine Greek characters earlier 
than those in use in the Middle Ages. It is the most 
remarkable discovery of recent years as affecting the 
contemporary history of the Holy City, and, though 

' " Die Mosaikkarte von Madeba," 1906, by Prof. Dr. Guthe, and the 
arcliitect P. Palmer. Count G. T. Rivoira, " Architettnra Lombarda," 
1908, p, 328, suggests the time of Justinian for this map. 

c a 


many of the buildings shown are not earlier than the 
fourth century, it still indicates the plan of the Roman 
city as built by Hadrian. A street of pillars runs 
through the town from north to south, and of these 
two shafts still remain in a vault, west of the bazaar 
and east of the Holy Sepulchre Cathedral. A second 
pillared street, diverging on the east, represents the 
old Herodian street which ran parallel to the western 
rampart of the Temple enclosure ; and at its south 
end steps seem to be represented, descending the 
Tyropoeon towards Siloam ; but the mosaic is un- 
fortunately broken away in this part, and it is not 
very clear whether the south wall is drawn out of 
scale, and intended really to enclose the whole of the 
upper city hill (as Eudocia built it), or whether it is 
intended to run on the line of the present south wall, 
excluding the south part of the hill called Sion in and 
after the fourth century, and excluding Ophel. It is 
certain, however, that this must have been the line of 
Hadrian's wall, since the earliest pilgrim^ found part 
of Sion and the Pool of Siloam outside the wall, while 
the supposed palace of David on Sion — near the so- 
called " Tower of David " — was inside. The map is 
also interesting because it shows a great pillar — such 
as the Romans erected for a statue to stand on — in 
the middle of an open space just inside the North 
Gate. The present name of this gate {Bab el 'Amiid, 
" gate of the pillar ") seems to preserve a tradition of 
this column, and the wall of Hadrian evidently ran on 
the line followed by the present wall on the north, 
though on the west it seems not to have included 
quite as much ground as at present north of the Jaffa 
Gate. This plan must be further considered in dealing 

' Bordeaux Pilgrim, 333 a.d. " Item exeunti Hierusalem utascendas 
Sion in parte sinistra et deorsum in vaile, juxta murum, est piscina 
quae dicitur Siloa " ; " intus autem, intra murum Sion, paret locus ubi 
palatium habuit David." 


with the Jerusalem of Constantine. Our pilgrim ' 
seems to agree with the map, placing the Praetorium 
to the right of those who went from Sion out of the 
city b}^ the Neapolis (or northern) Gate. 

The coins of Hadrian and of his successors, and the 
actual remains of the Roman age, including the head 
of Hadrian's statue, the inscription which once be- 
longed to it, and the arch of triumph which he — 
or some later emperor— built, exist in illustration 
of the statements made by early Christian writers 
as to the erection of pagan shrines in Jerusalem. 
The statues set up in ALWa Capitolina were still 
standing in the fourth century. Jerome ^ tells us 
that *' where once was the Temple and the religion 
of God there stands the statue of Hadrian and the 
idol of Jove"; and again: "A statue of Hadrian on 
horseback stood, till the present da}^, in the very 
place of the Holy of Holies." The Bordeaux Pilgrim 
(in 2)33 A.D.) mentions the existence in the temple 
court of " two statues of Hadrian, and not far 
from the statues is the Pierced Stone." These two 
were perhaps one of Hadrian himself and one of 
Jove, and they were clearly erected on the site of 
the Holy House near the Sakhrah rock. The head 
of a statue representing a Roman, crowned with bay 
leaves and with the imperial eagle in front, was picked 
up by a peasant in 1873 near the tomb of Helena 
of Adiabene, lying on its face in the road among 
the stones.^ It is believed to represent Hadrian by 
comparison with his known portraits, and may have 

' Bordeaux Pilgrim. " lude ut eas foris muriim de Sion euntibus 
ad portam Napolitanam ad partem dextram deorsum in valle sunt 
parites [sicj ubi domus fuit, sive Praetorium Ponti Pilati." Napolis 
i^Nca-polis) was the later Greco-Roman name for Shechem, north of 

^ On Isa. ii. 8 and Matt. xxi. 15. 

^ See my drawing in " Mem. Survey West Pal.," Jerusalem vol., 
p. 406. 


belonged to his statue in the Temple. In the south 
wall of the- Haram, at the Double Gate, a Latin 
inscription has been built in upside-down, and reads : 
" To Titus ^lius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus 
Pius, father of his country, pontif, augur, by decree of 
the dccurions." ' This no doubt was the dedicatory 
text of the Temple statue of Hadrian. None of these 
indications show that any temple of Jupiter was 
erected on Mount Moriah, though the so-called 
"Cradle of Christ," in the vault at the south-east 
angle of the Haram, is very clearly a Roman niche 
to hold a statue. The coins of Hadrian and of his 
successors, however, show a shrine of Jupiter Capito- 
linus as if existing somewhere at Jerusalem, which 
was renamed JEVm Capitolina after iElius Hadrianus 
and Jupiter Capitolinus. There may have been 
a small arcaded building near the Sakhrah which 
had been pulled down before 333 a.d., leaving the 
statues standing ; or the temple of Jove may have 
been elsewhere in the city. Dion Cassius - says that 
Hadrian "called it JEWa. Capitolina, and in the place 
of the shrine [^naus] of God he erected in opposition 
another shrine to Zeus " ; but this rhetorical sentence 
need not perhaps be read in a very literal sense. 

The coins of the period appear to show that Serapis, 
as Jove, was the deity adored in the new shrine, 
wherever it may have been.^ A coin of Hadrian's, 
representing him crowned with bay leaves, bears 
on the reverse the words " JEl. Col," and represents 
a seated Jupiter with two attendant nymphs or 
goddesses in a temple. Others of Antoninus Pius, 
also struck at Jerusalem, give the head of Serapis, 
or represent a deity standing in a temple, or again 

' The Latin is given in "Mem. Survey West Pal.," Jerusalem vol., 
p. 427- 

- Dion Cassius, Ixix. 12. 

^ They are reproduced by Madden, from de Saulcy, " Numismatique 
Judaique," plates xv.-.xviii. 


with a dog, or hav^e a representation of the city itself 
as a tower-crowned female. The Serapis head recurs 
later under Marcus Aurelius, Caracalla, and Elaga- 
balus, and the temple, with an arched nave and two 
side cloisters, under a pediment, again contains a deity 
standing, with attendants on either side. We can 
hardly doubt, therefore, the existence of a Serapis 
temple at Jerusalem as early as Hadrian's time. 

Jerome, however, indicates the existence of a temple 
built by this emperor in the city itself. He speaks 
of a marble statue of Venus on the " rock of the 
cross," and of an image of Jupiter over the "place of 
the resurrection." Later historians do not attribute 
these to Hadrian, and Eusebius only says that 
"impious men" had founded, above the Holy 
Sepulchre, a " dark shrine of the unchaste demon 
Aphrodite." ^ But it is very likely that Jerome is 
right, for Serapis and Isis (as Jove and Aphrodite) 
were adored together in Rome, and the site of 
Constantine's great basilica, where this shrine of 
Venus was still standing early in the fourth century, 
was one very probable for a temple in a Roman city 
such as JEWa Capitolina, facing east towards the 
central pillared street of the city. It is this temple, 
perhaps, which is represented on the coins above 

Eusebius speaks of Sion — the hill of the upper 
city — as a "ploughed field" in fulfilment of prophec}^, 
and Cyril of Jerusalem says the same - ; but Epiphanius 
believed that Hadrian had found seven synagogues and 
a small church on Mount Sion ; and the Bordeaux Pil- 
grim — probably influenced by this tradition — thought 
that one synagogue still remained in his own time, 

' Jerome, " Epist.," 49, ad Paiilin. ; Eusebius, " Lile of Constantine," 
iii. 25. 

* Eusebius, " Demonstr. Evaug.," viii. 3; Cyril, "Catech. LecL,"xvi. 
l8; Mic. iii. 12. 


though the rest had disappeared, having been covered 
by ploughed and sown lands. The existence of these 
synagogues in Hadrian's time is extremely unlikely. 
That his wall ran over the top of the hill is further 
confirmed by the fact that this was the line of defence 
even in 680 a.d., after the outer wall of Eudocia had 
been built to include Siloam. The actual buildings, 
inside the city, according to the Paschal Chronicle 
(though this is rather a late authority), were pagan. 
The passage reads thus : " Pulling down the shrine of 
the Jews in Jerusalem, he [Hadrian] established the 
two markets, the theatre, the mint, the trikamcron [or 
*' three-roomed " building], the tetranumphon [or " four- 
nymph " place], the dodcka-pidon [or " twelve-gate " 
place], which was formerly called the steps, and the 
quadrant, and he divided the city into seven quarters." 
We cannot, unfortunately, recognise under their 
new names these features of Roman Jerusalem, but 
the streets were on the old lines, and these give 
three quarters west of the central street of pillars, 
and two to its east ; the sixth would be on Bezetha, 
and the seventh was the Temple enclosure.^ The 
principal monument of the period, still standing, is 
the triumphal arch west of Antonia, now called the 
Ecce Homo arch. The central archway spans the 
Via Dolorosa, and the smaller one to the north is 
seen in the chapel of the Sisters of Zion, while the 
corresponding one to the south has been destroyed. 
A similar arch is still standing at Gerasa in Gilead — 
a city also of the second century a.d. It is possible 
that the north wall of the Haram, which is of large 

' The ancient wall south of the Holy Sepulchre Cathedral may be 
of this age. It is of large stones, some of which are drafted. It runs 
east and west, but is not founded on rock, though the base is 1 8 feet 
below the present surface. Probably the rock is 20 or 30 feet lower 
still on this line, and tlie wall is described as standing on debris. Pal. 
Expl. Fund Quarterly, April 1894, p. 146. It is not of necessity a wall 
of the city. 


Roman masonry, was built at this time, unless it is 
to be regarded as the work of Julian or of Justinian. 
Other fragments of Roman times, recently found,' 
include a Roman bath near Siloam, with tesserae of 
the 5th legion, and a fresco in a tomb near that of 
Queen Helena. We may also attribute to this period 
the pagan epitaph in the "Cave of St. Pelagia" on 
Olivet ^ reading " Courage, Dometila, no one is im- 
mortal" — a sentiment found, in other cases, in texts 
of Bashan and Syria of the same age. No doubt there 
are many other relics of Hadrian's city hidden beneath 
the surface of the present town, and the wall west of 
" Hezekiah's Pool " ^ may have been the west wall 
of JEWa. Capitolina. 

The " high-level " aqueduct, from a well (now dry) 
in Wady el Biar, south of Solomon's Pool, appears to 
be of this period. Its course near the pool is lost, but 
it was carried over the hill near Bethlehem on stone 
pipes. It disappears a little farther north, but probably 
fed the Birket Mamilla. Inscriptions in Latin along 
its course refer to the Centuria of Valerius /Emilianus 
and the Centuria Natalis, and show that it was 
made, or repaired, at some period later than 70 a.d.* 

The age of Hadrian was followed by that of the 
Antonines (138-80 a.d.), when the Jews lived content 
and prospered as traders. The Sanhedrin, leaving 
Jamnia after 135 a.d., finally settled at Tiberias, and 
synagogues in Roman style — but with Hebrew texts — 
were built in Galilee. Under Severus (193-21 1) the 
Jews were granted civil immunities, and they did not 

' Bliss, " Excav. at Jer.," 1898, pp. 228, 249. 

-' " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., p. 424 ; Waddington, 
" Inscript.," Nos. 1829, 1854, 1897, 2032. Another occurs in the Tombs 
nt the Prophets, "Courage, Eutherius, no one is immortal." Pal. Expl. 
Fund Quarterly, Jan. 1901, p. 22. 

* See back, p. 63. 

* See back, p. 161, and Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, Oct. 1904, p. 296, 
Jan. 1905, p. 74. 


again revolt till 339 a.d. According to Eusebius, a 
new line of Christian bishops began to rule the 
church at Jerusalem in Hadrian's time, though more 
probably they would not have returned to the city 
till somewhat later. Under Marcus Aurelius the 
Christians had become numerous in the Roman 
world, and in the third century — after the persecution 
b}^ Decius — their bishops began to be recognised by 
the State, while a congregation under one in Jerusalem 
certainly existed in Cyprian's time. He also mentions 
a female pilgrim to the Holy City, and speaks of 
Bishop Alexander, who — according to Eusebius — 
succeeded Narcissus,^ having previously ruled a 
church in Cappadocia. But during this age of pros- 
perity we hear nothing else about the restored 
city, nor have we any account of sacred Christian 
sites. For three generations the Christians were 
absent from the ruined town, and when they did 
return it was entirely altered. There is a break of 
at least seventy years in their connection with 
Jerusalem, and it is not probable that the new 
generation knew an^'thing of the old city or of the 
Gospel sites. 

' Cypr, "Epist," 75 ; Euseb , "Hist. Ercl," vi. 11. 



The Romans policed the western world for the benefit 
of Italy alone. We have made them our model, but 
the progress of higher thought in the past was due 
to the Hebrew, the Greek, the Norman, and the 
Frank, rather than to the Roman, whose only culture 
was Greek, or to his Saxon disciples. Before Marcus 
Aurelius died, in i8o a.d., the empire had become 
cosmopolitan. Signs of decay then appeared under 
Commodus, and the heart of Italy withered. Con- 
stantine substituted the hereditary principle for the 
elective method dear to the old free republic, but he 
only delayed the doom to which Roman supremacy 
and centralisation now hastened. An ignorant pluto- 
cracy, corrupted b}' luxury, destroyed the ancient 
yeomanry by absorbing the small holdings of the 
" coloni," and ruined agriculture by laying the land 
under grass. They sapped the sources of their own 
power, and substituted foreign slaves for native freed- 
men. The plebeian settled as a legionary in distant 
lands, forming colonies, military and civil, of crossbred 
descendants, and the colonial emperors had little 
regard to the selfish prejudices of Rome. 

The Church was also changing, like the empire. 
Under the philosophic Aurelius, Christians were 
becoming numerous, and before the end of the second 
century TertuUian wrote as follows ^ : " The cry is 

' " Apologeticus," i. },y. 


that the State is full of Christians ; that they are in 
the field, in the citadels, in the islands ; men lament, 
as if for some calamity, that both sexes, every age and 
condition, even high rank, are passing over to the 
profession of the Christian faith ; and yet, for all this, 
their minds are not awakened to the thought of some 
good that they have failed to notice in it." " We are 
but of yesterday, but we have filled every place among 
you — cities, islands, fortresses, towns, market-places, 
the very camp, tribes, companies, palace, senate, 
forum : we have left nothing to you but the temples 
of your gods." Yet Truth cannot keep her robe spot- 
less when she walks the market with the crowd. The 
Church was becoming Romanised, the " sacerdos " 
began to be distinguished in his " ordo " from the laity 
or " people." Men of high rank, like Cyprian (or like 
the later Ambrose), were being elected as bishops in 
the third century, and their influence was very 
different from that of the humble " overseers " of earlier 
days. After the Decian persecution the federated 
Churches were strong enough to demand toleration, 
and received it from the dying Galerius after 300 a.d. 
Sacerdotal organisation was more welcome to Roman 
rulers than the teaching of the Master, but it also 
rendered the leaders of the Church more willing to 
regard worldly expedience. 

The adoption of Christianity as the imperial cultus 
by Constantine revolutionised Church and Empire. 
Eusebius is enthusiastic in praising (or flattering) the 
newly converted master of the West, but his hero's 
memory is stained by cruel deeds of tyranny; and, 
though his heart may have been touched by the 
Gospel, it is more probable that his policy was due 
to considerations of worldly state-craft. Flavins 
Valerius Aurelius Constantinus was the son of Con- 
stantius Chlorus, the emperor who died at York. 
Constantine was born in Moesia, served in Persia, and 


became sole emperor in 323 a.d, at about fifty years of 
age. He was a shrewd statesman, witli experiences 
gained in many lands, and perceived the trend of 
his time, which permitted him to convert the Italian 
republic into a European monarchy. The change of 
capital, which Italy had dreaded even in the da3's 
of Julius Caesar, recognised the Asiatic conquests as 
being the richest and most valuable provinces of the 
empire, and broke down the Roman supremacy. Con- 
stantine also cast his eyes on the Christian Churches, 
and perceived in them a power which might become 
a mighty engine in his hands — a cultus better organised 
and more popular than any other, and a society which 
he might swa}' by securing the nomination of its 

But to the Christian faith this recognition was a 
misfortune lamented by all the great men of the fourth 
century — by Jerome and Chrysostom, Gregory and 
Basil, if not so by the courtly Eusebius. The Council 
of Nicaea, called in 325 a.d., produced the great Arian 
schism; but the cultus of the "divine emperor" was 
eagerly adopted by the masses, and the Catholic 
Church was suddenly swamped by the conversion of 
innumerable ignorant and superstitious pagans, while, 
as State officials, the bishops lost their freedom, and 
were selected rather on account of their loyalty to 
the emperor than because of the purity of their faith. 
Palestine became a holy land, and was filled with 
wonder-loving pilgrims. Cyril of Jerusalem was 
obliged to exhort his neophytes against "things done 
to honour lifeless idols, the lighting of lamps, or burn- 
ing incense by fountains or rivers, watching of birds, 
divination, omens, amulets, charms on leaves, and 

It was under such circumstances that Constantine 

' "Catech. Lect.,*' xix. 8, delivered in the new Church of the 
Anastasis in 348 a.u. Cyril was a semi-Arian. 


took steps to show his zeal for the Catholic party, 
and — as usual with former emperors — to found a 
shrine at the most appropriate place in honour of 
his own peculiar cultus. According to Eusebius, after 
the Council, the new " bishop of bishops," who had 
then presided, " desired to perform a glorious work 
in Palestine by adorning and consecrating the place 
of our Lord's resurrection, not without God, but 
moved by the spirit of the Saviour Himself" ' Crowds 
of pilgrims were then visiting Olivet,- and among 
them was the emperor's mother, Helena. It would 
seem from the letter which Constantine wrote to 
Macarius,^ who became bishop of Jerusalem in the 
year of the edict of Milan (313 a.d.), that the estab- 
lishment of the Church had at once been signalised 
(perhaps with imperial permission) by the destruction 
of the Aphrodite temple in the Holy City, which was 
hateful to Jews and Christians alike. It was entirely 
removed, and even the earth was carried away and 
the rock laid bare. During these operations an ancient 
sepulchre — which (as before suggested) was probably 
that of the family of David — was found, and was no 
doubt recognised at once as being Jewish. More- 
over, a rock grave was discovered 15 yards farther 
west, and it was this that Macarius declared to be 
the true tomb of Christ. We are not told why he 
made this announcement. Eusebius does not speak 
of any tradition, nor does it seem possible that the 
tomb of Joseph of Arimathasa should have been known 
to the Christians who returned to Jerusalem seventy 
or a hundred years after the fall of the city, buried 
as it was under the foundations of a heathen temple. 
We learn nothing except that Constantine was in- 
spired to seek the site, and that the bishop of Jeru- 
salem informed him of its discovery. 

' " Life of Constant." (in Greek), iii. 25. 

^ 'Demonslr. Evang.," vi. 18. ^ "Life of Constant," iii. 30. 


The announcement was received ^ with enthusiasm 
by Constantine, who wrote of the discovery as being 
miraculous, according to the copy of his letter given 
by Eusebius : " Truly that the evidence [gndn'sma] 
of His most holy Passion, hidden of old under the 
earth for so many periods of years, should be anew 
manifested to the faithful ... is a prodigy defying 
all admiration." For, as Eusebius says, " the awful 
and most holy witness {inatiurion'] of the Saviour's 
resurrection was discovered beyond all hope." The 
letter goes on to declare the confirmation of the 
emperor's belief by " all those supernatural events 
which daily occur to demonstrate the truth of the 
faith," and it says that his " first wish now, and after 
having by God's leave freed from the heavy load of 
impious idols the place holy from the first by God's 
will, holier yet since it has thrown a vivid light on 
the Passion of the Saviour, my wish I say is to adorn 
this holy place by the construction of splendid build- 
ings." The rest of the letter gives directions for this 
purpose. It does not, however, enlighten us as to 
the reasons for selecting the site. The emperor, like 
his people at large, seems to have been quite satisfied 
to rest on the authority of Macarius. 

We are now more critical than men were in the 
fourth century ; and besides all the difficulties (already 
noticed) in accepting this site as appropriate, there 
is another — namely, that the rock grave found by 
the bishop cannot apparently have been like that 
described in the Gospels. Our only contemporary 
witness is Eusebius, and the turgid language of his 
eulogy on Constantine gives us little accurate in- 
formation. He died in 340 a.d., and Cyril wrote 
twenty years after the supposed discovery occurred.- 
He says that the stone still lay in his time beside 
the Holy Sepulchre, and that " the hollow place which 

' "Lile ol Constant.," iii. 28. - "Catech. Lect.," xiii. 9. 


was then at the door of the salutary tomb, and was 
hewn out of the rock itself as is customary here in 
the front of sepulchres, now appears not, the outer 
cave having been hewn away for the sake of the 
present adornment ; for before the sepulchre was 
decorated by royal zeal there was a cave in the face 
of the rock ; but where is the rock that has in it this 
hollow place?" We may echo these words to-day, 
and may well ask, Was there ever any such cave ? 

Quaresmius (writing in 1616 a.d.) preserves a letter 
from Father Boniface of Raguza, who was present in 
1555 when the building over the Holy Sepulchre was 
repaired. We must accept his statement that, when 
the covering (of marble) was taken off, " the sepulchre 
of our Lord appeared in its original state hewn in the 
rock." But he does not speak of there being any rock 
cave over it. On the contrary, there were walls de- 
corated by two ancient frescoes of angels, together 
with a parchment bearing the name " Helena Magna " 
in Latin capitals, which was probably much later than 
her time. When the great basilica was first built, the- 
rock was levelled sufficiently to form a flat floor for 
the great apse ; but a little to the south-east the cliff 
supposed to be Calvary was allowed to stand up 
15 feet above this floor, with the cavern of Golgotha 
beneath its flat summit. The rock face in which 
the door of the Jewish tomb, west of the Sepulchre, 
was cut stood up 6 feet above the floor, and it 
appears that the rock surface sloped gently eastwards, 
so that the existence of a cave at least 7 feet high, 
with rock above it, seems to have been impossible 
at the spot where the Holy Sepulchre itself was found. 
That grave must have been simply a rock-sunk tomb, 
covered probably by a large and heavy stone, and 
when the floor was levelled it stood up as a trough, 
with rock walls, about 2 feet above the pavement 
of the apse. 


Such graves are not uncommon in Palestine, being 
sometimes single, sometimes three or more in a row, 
each covered by a hewn stone like the lid of a 
sarcophagus. I have described one group which I 
found in 1872 at Sepphoris, north of Nazareth ; and in 
another case at Mithilia — a ruin not far off — a rock 
sarcophagus stands up alone on a rock which has 
been scarped on each side below it. At Umm el 
Buruk, in Gilead, there are other examples which I 
described in 1881, and this site is the ruin of a Roman 
town, with a Greek inscription stating that " Antonius 
Rufus " made something (apparently a tomb) " for 
himself at his own cost." ' There can be little doubt 
that graves of this kind belong to the Roman period, 
and they are neither Hebrew nor even Greco-Jewish. 
The " new tomb " in the garden was of the last-named 
class, with a loculus so placed in the cave that the two 
angels could be seen from the door sitting at the head 
and foot of the grave itself. Macarius cannot ap- 
parently have found such a tomb, but he discovered 
a rock-sunk grave which, as it was single and also 
near a Hebrew tomb, he rashly assumed to be the 
sepulchre which he hoped to find. He was not an 
archaeologist, nor was he well acquainted with the 
topography of the ancient city which Hadrian had 
transformed into a modern town. We need not doubt 
that he was as honestly convinced about the matter as 
General Gordon was convinced about the " Garden 
Tomb." But they both appear to have been misled by 
enthusiasm without knowledge, and they both created 
sacred sites which were eagerly adopted by those \\\\o 
accepted their authority. 

The result of fixing the site, which has now become 
traditional, was that a Christian church was built 

' " Mem. West Pal. Survey," vol. . pp. 316, 330; " Mem. East Pal. 
Survey," p. 244. In the latter instance there are several groups of 
rock-sunk graves. 


where a heathen temple had stood. This was the case 
also at Ba'albek, at Gerasa, possibl}'' at Bethlehem, and 
in many other cases, such as the basilica of St. Clement 
at Rome. There is no doubt that Constantine's sites 
were the same as now shown. Not only are they 
described as lying " north of Sion " — that is, of the 
upper city, which is so called by all the pilgrims — and 
also as being to the '* left hand " of those who went 
north to the Nablus Gate, while the east gates of 
the basilica opened on the market,^ but we have 
now the mosaic map already described, which shows 
the position of Constantine's great Church of the 
Resurrection, and enables us to understand the 
rather vague description by Eusebius.^ 

The sepulchre was first adorned by the chamber 
built over it. This stood in a great apse which had in 
its wall three smaller apses, one on the west, the 
others on the north and south. They still exist, 
though the apse has been converted into the rotunda. 
De Vogiie remarked that the north and south apses 
have their east sides tangential to the diameter of the 
great apse, which clearly shows that it was not 
originally built as a rotunda. His restoration of the 
whole cathedral has been proved to be the best of 
several suggestions by the discovery of the mosaic 
map. The apse had no roof, and the paved, pillared 
court round the sepulchre was open to the sky. 
East of this was a roofed basilica, like that still 
existing at Bethlehem, which was also founded by 
Constantine. The site of Calvary was in the south- 
west part of this basilica, which had a nave and aisles 
— probably four, as at Bethlehem — with a clerestory 
above, and a gilt ceiling. East of the basilica was an 

' Onomasticon, s.v. Golgotha; Bordeaux Pilgrim; St. Silvia (385 A.D.). 

' Eusebius, "Life of Constant.," iii. 34-9 ; Willis, "Ch. of Holy Sep.," 
1849; ^^ Vogiie, " I%<.;lises de la Terre Sainte,' i860; Prof. Hayter 
Lewis. " Holy Places of Jer.," 1888. 


atrium, or entrance hall, and beyond this the pillared 
porch, with gates opening on the central pillared 
street of the city. To the south of the basilica was 
the great tank used as a baptister^^ and still traceable. 
It was fed from reservoirs, of which the most im- 
portant — now called " Helena's Cistern " — is 66 feet 
deep, and measures 60 feet by 30 feet, being im- 
mediately east of Calvary. The total length of these 
buildings was 350 feet east and west, and the breadth 
120 feet north and south. 

One of the most remarkable ceremonies of the 
year was connected with the baptistery; and C}- ril ' 
describes how the christenings were carried out 
at Eastertide. In the evening before the Day of 
Resurrection the neophytes assembled in the dark 
porch — apparently by torch-light — and, turning to 
the west, renounced Satan and all the practices of 
pagan superstition. The women were separately 
assembled by deaconesses. Every neophyte was 
naked, and was anointed with oil from head to foot. 
They were led to the " holy pool," and thrice de- 
scended its steps into the water, confessing their 
belief in Eather, Son, and Holy Ghost. They v/ere 
then clothed in white, and the bishop confirmed 
them by the chrism, marking with the sign of the 
cross, in holy oil, the forehead, ears, nostrils, and 
breast of each new member of the Church, after 
which they partook of the Eucharist at the Easter 
Communion. The bishop preached to them, and St. 
Silvia says, " So loud are the voices of those applaud- 
ing that they are heard outside the church." This 
applause by congregations is also mentioned b3^Chry- 
sostom. The other ceremonies — both daily and annual 
— including processions to Olivet and to Sion, W'hich 
are described in some detail by St. Silvia, with the 

• " Catech. Lert.," xix. i-xxi. 4. See Tertullian, "In Prax.,"26, " De 
Coiona," 3. 


exhortations to pilgrims delivered in Greek, Syriac, 
and Latin, need not now detain us. 

The oldest church in Jerusalem seems to have been 
that of " Holy Sion," which the Crusaders rebuilt, and 
which is now the Nebi Daud Mosque, outside the 
south wall of the city. A small chapel may have been 
built here towards the close of the third century, and 
by the fifth it had come to be regarded as having 
been built by the apostles.^ The Temple enclosure 
remained in ruins till the time of Justinian, but a 
basilica was also built by Constantine on the summit 
of Olivet, and the Pool of Siloam was surrounded by 
a cloister. The other traditional sites, including the 
Praetorium, the House of Caiaphas, and Bethesda, 
have been already sufficiently noticed." 

The accession of Julian, after the death of his uncle 
Constantine in 337 a.d., and of his cousin Constantius 
in 353 A.D., checked the progress of Christian church 
building for ten years, and obliged Catholics and 
Arians for the moment to lay aside their differences 
in defence of their common faith. The Jews had 
rebelled against Constantius in the second year of his 
reign, when Sepphoris was razed to the ground. In 
the last six months before his death, on the borders 
of Persia, the philosophic Julian is said to have 
endeavoured to win their loyalty by rebuilding their 
Temple. According to a contemporary statement, 
the work was abandoned soon after it was begun, 
the labourers " fearing globes of flames " which burst 
out of the foundations— miraculously, according to 
Gregory of Nazianzen.^ The Jews were now allowed 
to return to Jerusalem, and are said to have con- 

' " Primitiva et ecclesiarum mater sancta Sion," "Will. Tyre.,"x-v. 4 ; 
Eucherius (c. 427-40 a.d.), " Ut fertur ab apostolis fundata"; Theo- 
donis (c: 530 a.d.), "Mater omnium ecclesiarum." 

* See back, pp. 14-17. 

' Ammianus Marceilinus, xxiii. i; Julian, " Epist.," xxix., xxx. ; 
Greg. Nazianzen, " Orat.," iv. 


tributed largely to the funds raised by Alypius, 
governor of Palestine. 

It is very doubtful whether any remains of this 
work are to be recognised, though some writers have 
thought that the "Golden Gate," on the east wall of 
the Haram, was built by Julian. It seems to have 
taken its name {Porta Aured) from a misunderstanding 
of the Greek horain, and to have been thus identified 
by later writers with the " Beautiful Gate " of the 
Temple. It certainly existed in the sixth centur}^^ 
but according to architectural authority the style of 
the arched cornices is not as early as the time of 
Julian, while the gate-house within is supported on 
great columns which seem clearly to be as late as the 
sixth century, when the Temple walls appear to have 
been still in ruins. It is more probable, therefore, 
that the Golden Gate, which is unnoticed by pilgrims 
before the time of Justinian, is to be attributed to the 
period of his restoration of the Temple enclosure. 

The city remained at peace under the emperors of 
the East for three centuries after the Christian religion 
had been tolerated at Milan in 313 a.d. The next 
great building period was in the time of Eudocia, 
widow of Theodosius II. She lived sixteen years in 
the Holy City, and died there, at the age of sixty-seven, 
about 460 A.D. She built (as already noticed) the 
Church of St. Stephen outside the north gate, and 
here she was buried ; she also built a wall on the 
south side of the upper city to include the Church of 
St. Sion, and carried it over the Tyropoeon Valley 
(enclosing for the first time the Pool of Siloam), running 
it north, on the ancient line on Ophel, to the south- 

' Antoninus Martyr {c. 570 a.d.), "The [east] gate of the city which 
adjoins what was once the Beautitiil Gate of the Temple, the thresholds 
and posts of whicli still stand." See Prof. Hayter Lewis, " Holy Places 
of Jerusalem," 188S, p. 94. This statement may be explained by the 
conclusion reached by de Vogiie (" Temple de Jerusalem," chap, v.) 
that remains of an earlier gate are traceable at the Golden Gate, 


east angle of the Temple enclosure. The ruins of 
this wall have now been excavated.' 

The reasons for supposing that the wall excavate 
by Mr. Bliss is not older than the time of Eudocia are 
purely antiquarian, and require notice because it has 
been assumed, by recent writers, that it represents the 
" old wall " described by Josephus, though its course 
is not that which he mentions, since — in 70 a.d. — the 
rampart crossed the Tyropoeon " above Siloam," and 
left the pool outside. The wall was partly rebuilt for 
a short distance on the slope of Sion, at some later 
period (before 680 a.d.), but it is substantially all of 
one character, and fragments of Roman and Byzantine 
work have been built into its masonry. A new gate 
was made near its south-west angle, the threshold 
stones of which were more than once renewed. A 
pilaster with Roman letters and numerals was here 
used up, and the drain under the lowest pavement of 
the street was covered with flat stones. " One of 
these," says Mr. Bliss, " has a large plain Greek cross 
carved on its under side," which clearly indicates that 
even the oldest part of the wall is later than the 
fourth century. 

The style of fortification, with buttresses at intervals, 
is also distinctively Byzantine, and the masonry is 
" roughly set in coarse lime," and (near Siloam) is 
" covered with plaster." The masonry does not 
resemble that of even Herod's time, but (as seen by 
myself and as shown in the drawings supplied by Mr. 
Bliss) it may confidently be ascribed to the fifth 
century. Similar masonry is common in the walls of 
chapels and monasteries throughout Palestine and 
Syria belonging to that age, and it is certain that this 
was hewn at the time, and was not merely re-used 
material. It was a rude imitation of the older Greek 
and Roman style, but the work is very inferior in 

■ See back, p. 91 ; Bliss, " Excav. at Jer.," 1898, pp. 9-128. 


execution. The stones are generally less than 
2 feet square, the joints are wide, and mortar is used, 
while in some cases small fragments of stone are 
packed in on the face of the joint. The courses 
are irregular, and some stones are rudely drafted, while 
others are not. This masonry is constantly associated 
with barrel vaults having graduated voussoirs — the 
keystone narrow, and the haunch-stones broad — 
which is also distinctive of Byzantine architecture. 
No one who has examined the Palestine monasteries 
of the Byzantine age could doubt that the wall in 
question must be of the same period, and it appears 
that it was the work of Eudocia, though it was 
repaired and strengthened, in the same style, rather 
later — probably by Justinian. Soon after his time 
Antoninus Martyr says, " The fountain of Siloam is 
at the present day within the walls of the city, because 
the Empress Eudocia herself added these walls to the 
city, and built the basilica and tomb of St. Stephen." ' 

The chapel which has been found on the north side 
of the Pool of Siloam appears to be somewhat later 
than this wall. It is not mentioned by any writer 
before 570 a.d., and it may have been built under 
Justinian. The pool — as described by Antoninus 
Martyr — was then converted into a baptistery, and the 
chapel was no doubt used in connection with the rites. 
The reservoir was divided into two parts by rails. 
In one part men were washed, in the other women, 
" for a blessing," and the intermittent flow from the 
tunnel was awaited. The waters were said to cure 
leprosy — no doubt with reference to the Gospel story.- 
As late as the eleventh century ^ a Moslem writer 
informs us, in speaking of Siloam, " there are at this 

' Ant. Mart., xxv. Theodorus (530 a.d.) places the site outside the 
" Galilee Gate." He also says that Siloam " is within the wall." 
^ John ix. 1 1. 
', 1047 a.d. 




ilf ;. ' ■' ■r^-'""'''V: 



a • 

'''''' ;[n ! LM»i,> i i,,sr,',lli:j'fr'ii. 

ia'ffe''''j!!jj:^^'''ffl^'^i«» i 

I'i'iii, iji' 

I mi 



1!^ ^ 

it - 'i' i . ' " I 


Scale of Feet 

Scale approximate to that above. 

Specimens of Masonry, showing the Comparative Size and Pinish. 

1. Palace of HjTcanus. 4- Norman wall on Sion. at Jerusalem. 

2. Herod's Temple, Jerusalem. 5. From the Templars' Castle of Tortosa. 

3. Byzantine wall on Sion, at Jerusalem. 6. From the Castle of Krak des Chevaliers. 

p. 220] 



spring man}'' buildings for charitable purposes, richly 
endowed " ; but these were apparently not kept up, 
and the chapel is not noticed in the accounts of 
the Middle Ages. The institution is mentioned by 
Nasr-i-Khosrau in connection with the hospice in 
the city itself (afterwards that of St. John), which 
dated from about 800 a.d. It is, however, possible 
that both these charitable institutions originated 
with Justinian, who certainly erected others on the 
Temple hill. 

The mosaic map of Jerusalem, perhaps about 450 a.d., 
has already been noticed.^ It shows very clearly 
Constantine's Church of the Anastasis, with the great 
roofless apse on the west, the basilica to its east 
having a pitched roof, while the atrium seems also 
to be roofless, and the porch gates stand above steps 
leading down to the pillared street close by to the 
east. The representation of the city is a rude per- 
spective, and the main buildings are quite out of scale. 
The pillared street ascends to Zion by steps at right 
angles to its course, which is north and south through 
the middle of the city. The walls are strengthened by 
towers such as have been actually unearthed on the 
south. Three city gates are shown on west, north, 
and east. The only building on the Temple site is at 
the south-east corner — apparently the " Chapel of St. 
Simeon " in the old Herodian vault, where the " Cradle 
of Christ " was early shown. The second pillared 
street, west of the Temple, descends towards Siloam 
by steps, and Antoninus Martyr," in the sixth century, 
speaks of descending this street under the "arch" of 
the causeway, which then led to the central gate of 
the west Temple wall, and " by many steps " down 
to Siloam. The Church of St. Anne is shown in the 
north-east part of the city, and a large church inside 

' See back, p. 200. 
* Ant. Mart., xxiv. 


the wall on the south-west is probably St. Sion.^ 
The House of Annas appears to its north, with three 
other buildings — two east of the central street. 

At the time when Eudocia retired to Jerusalem the 
terror of the Huns had fallen on Europe and on 
Asia. Before his death, her husband, Theodosius H., 
was forced to make peace with Attila. Last of the 
Spanish emperors of Byzantium, he was succeeded in 
457 A.D. by Leo of Thrace. The Roman Empire was 
broken up by the Goths, who were driven from their 
homes by the Huns, and who invaded the Balkan 
peninsula and Asia Minor. Theodoric the Ostrogoth 
nearly won Byzantium from Zeno the Isaurian, and 
then conquered Italy and sacked Rome. The rude 
civilisation of the Goths was fatal to the ancient 
culture of Greeks and Latins, and the Arians tri- 
umphed over the Catholics. Asia was Arian at heart, 
and the Eastern Churches refused the new definitions 
and the Mariolatry of the imperial orthodoxy. After 
the Council of Chalcedon (in 451 a.d.), when Jerusalem 
became the seat of a patriarch, Syrians, Copts, 
Armenians, and Chaldeans alike were separated from 
the Greeks and Romans. The superstitions which 
Chrysostom denounced at Antioch even in the fourth 
century degraded Christianity, and learning hid itself 
in remote monasteries, while education was ruined 
by Gothic barbarism. From this welter of confusion 
rose the new empire of Justinian — himself of Gothic 
descent — which restored the glories of Constantine's 
monarchy for forty years after 527 a.d. But the 
ancient world was entirely changed, and Byzantine 
power lingered only half a century after Justinian's 

' The great corner tower on south-west seems to be that at the 
present Protestant Cemetery. The other chapels may be the House of 
Caiaphas, the Church of St. Giles (near the Causeway), and that of the 
Spasm in the Via Dolorosa. 


Justinian was a great builder, and did much for 
Jerusalem. If the architectural style of his work on 
the Temple hill is sometimes more classical than that 
of his great Cathedral of St. Sophia in his capital, this 
may be attributed — in an age of novelty — to the later 
selection of Theodorus as his architect.^ The fine, 
square, undrafted masonry which stands on the 
Herodian work in the outer Temple walls is certainly 
later than Hadrian's time, since his inscription has 
been built into it upside-down at the Double Gate. 
It is attributed by de Vogue to Justinian, who was 
the first to restore the ramparts destroyed by Titus. 
Similar masonry is also found in connection with the 
wall of Eudocia, but this is less well hewn than 
Justinian's work. His great building was the Church 
of St. Mary on the south side of the Temple enclosure, 
and besides this he appears to have founded the 
Church of the Virgin's Tomb, as well as one to St. 
Sophia, and two hospitals. 

We owe our knowledge of Justinian's works to 
Procopius, but his description of the St. Mary Church 
is so vague as to lead some writers to state that its 
position cannot be identified. Procopius- says that the 
*' temple to the Virgin, . . . called by natives the New 
Church," was ordered to be built " on the most pro- 
minent of the hills." It was begun by the Patriarch 
Elias, and completed by Justinian about 532 a.d. It 
was found that there was not enough flat ground to 
allow of the emperor's design being carried out, with- 
out raising the foundations on vaults under about 
a quarter of the area towards the south-east, so that it 

' Tlie arched cornices at the Double and Golden Gates are attributed 
by de Vogiie to about the sixth century. The different style of the 
interior gate-house at the latter gate, and of the Byzantine pillars in the 
Aksa, may be explained by the work having been begun by the Patriarch 
Elias, and finished by Justinian in a style more like that in use at 

* " De ^dificiis Justiniani," v. 6 ; Antoninus Mart., xxiii. 


was evidently on the narrower part of the Temple 
ridge. Antoninus Martyr tells us that a footprint of 
Christ was shown in this church, which later writers 
identify with the present Aksa Mosque/ where the 
" footprint of Jesus " is still shown. In the twelfth 
century the Templars' Church occupied the south 
part of this mosque, and had an apse on the east, 
the wall of which is still visible. It consisted of 
a nave and two aisles, and the mosque dome is 
still supported on fine columns which appear to be 
of the time of Justinian. The building stands partly 
on the rock and partly on the vaulted passage from 
the Double Gate, which passage is also of masonry 
attributable to the age of Justinian, its barrel vault 
being Byzantine. 

On the south-east the rock is 40 feet lower than 
the floor of the mosque, and the surface is banked up 
above it, and is partly supported by the west wall 
and the vaulted roof of the Triple Gateway. The site 
thus answers to that described by Procopius, and 
the Templars' apse very probably marks the site of 
that which belonged to Justinian's church, and which 
is described as being on the east. The building had 
two side apses — as was usual in this age — and on 
the west was a narthex, or narrow porch, with a 
square atrium or outer court, and beyond this again 
the western gates. I'he great apse was flanked by 
two tall pillars, and the church appears to have had 
a clerestory. The atrium, as well as the aisles, 
was adorned with large pillars, and it is supposed 
that some of the massive columns now used in the 
north part of the mosque have been cut down in 
height, and originally belonged to the church. 
They have Corinthian capitals, but are evidently 
not standing /;/ situ- and in style they are not 

' Kobinson, " Bib. Res.," i. pp. 296, 384. 

' Prol. Hayter Lewis, " Holy Places ol Jer," 1888, pp. 74-9. 



as early as the pillars of Constantine's basilica at 

We may suppose, therefore, that the new Church 
of the Virgin occupied what is called the " transept " 
of the Aksa, thus including the " footprint of Christ " 
in its south-west part. It was thus about 160 feet 
long and 100 feet wide, with an atrium 100 feet square 
on the west. It resembled in plan the Holy Sepulchre 
basilica, except that it had three apses on the east 
instead of one large apse on the west. This building 
became the first mosque in Jerusalem a century after 
it was built. 

Besides building this church and repairing the 
outer walls of the Temple, Justinian very probably 
enclosed the five acres on the north-east, which (as 
already said ^) formed no part of Herod's enclosure. 
He adorned the Double Gate with an arched cornice 
outside, and probably built the Golden Gate in the 
same style, as well as the fine gate-house within. 
The Sakhrah rock — as the site of the Jewish Temple — 
was purposely left desolate, as it was in Constantine's 
time; but a Church of St. Sophia was built, and is 
described by Theodorus (who was perhaps the same 
person who built the church for Justinian) as being 
in the Praetorium. It is thus to be identified with the 
•' Chapel of the Mocking," which still exists inside 
the Turkish barracks on the Antonia scarp. Anto- 
ninus Martyr also describes it at the same site, and 
calls it a basilica.^ 

• The suggestion that the Bethlehem basilica is later than Con- 
stantine's age seems to be only true in part. Much of the building is 
undoubtedly later. The mosaics date only from the twelfth century, 
and the roof of the transept from 1482. But the pillars of the basilica 
appear to be of Constantine's age, and to be still in situ (see " Mem. 
West Pal. Survey," 1883, vol. iii. p. 85). 

' See back, p. 1 19. 

' Theodorus {c. 530 a.d.), " Pretorium Pilati . . . ibi est ecclesia 
Saoctae Sophiae " ; Antoninus Mart., xxiii. 



It is not clear from the account by Procopius where 
the two hospitals built by Justinian stood, nor are 
any remains of them known to exist. They flanked 
some entry, and may have been near the west 
central gate of the enclosure (now the " Gate of 
the Chain "), where the ancient causeway was re- 
paired, and ran on Byzantine arches over the street 
leading from the Gate of St. Stephen to Siloam. 
Cyril of Scythopolis ' mentions Justinian's hospital 
for sick pilgrims as having one hundred beds, to 
which another hundred were added later. Procopius 
speaks of one hospice as being a lodging for visitors 
coming from a distance, and of the other as being 
a resting-place for the sick poor. Antoninus Martyr, 
forty years later, says : " From Sion we came to the 
Basilica of the Blessed Mary, where is a large company 
of monks, and where also are hospices for men and 
women. There I was received as a pilgrim : there 
were countless tables, and more than three thousand 
beds for sick persons." The hospices may have been 
enlarged by his time, but Antoninus is not a very 
reliable writer, and is given to exaggeration, besides 
being extremely credulous. 

To Justinian we may also, perhaps, ascribe the 
building of the underground chapel at Gethsemane, 
which was supposed to be the site of the Virgin's 
Tomb. It is first mentioned by Theodorus, and 
though St. John of Damascus speaks of the Empress 
Pulcheria (after 450 a.d.) as desiring relics from this 
tomb, he only wrote three centuries later. Yet a 
third church in honour of the Virgin first appears in 
the accounts of Theodorus and Antoninus. This was 
close to the " Sheep Pool," and its site is perhaps 
marked by the present Latin chapel of the " Flagella- 

After the death of Justinian, whose power held at 

' Cyril of Scythopolis, " Vita Sabae." 

Bethlehem Gate 

Ch.of St.Stephen 
Neapolis Gat 



p. 226] 


Scale of Feet. 




bay the Vandals and the Goths, the Persians, and 
the Turks of the Volga, and after the peaceful times 
of his nephew, Justin II., and of Tiberius II., who 
married the widow of Justin, Maurice the Cappa- 
docian — of Roman origin — was emperor for twenty 
years, till he was murdered in 602 a.d. by the cen- 
turion Phocas, elected emperor by the discontented 
army, and attacked by Khosrau II., the Sassanian 
ruler of Persia. The Byzantine empire had fallen 
on evil da^-s, and Heraclius, the exarch of Africa, 
refused tribute to Phocas. Khosrau I. had conceived 
the ambitious idea of conquering Western Asia ; 
but he was held in check by Justinian, who was 
allied to the Turks on his north and to the Sabean 
kings on the south. The grandson (Khosrau II.) 
took advantage of the weakness of Phocas, and 
attacked Aleppo and Antioch in 610 a.d., while 
Heraclius, son of the exarch, was besieging the 
upstart centurion in Byzantium. For ten years 
Khosrau II. held Chalcedon, and the Persian forces 
faced the new Greek emperor at Constantinople. 
The victorious Sassanian entered Alexandria, and in 
614 A.D. the Persians besieged Jerusalem. Muhammad 
at Mekkah watched the war, and predicted that in 
spite of the defeat of the Greeks they would triumph 
a few years later.^ Meanwhile, the Holy City fell to 
the Persians in June''^; and, according to a contem- 
porary account in the Paschal Chronicle, a terrible 
massacre of monks and nuns followed. The churches 
were laid in ruins ; the Holy Sepulchre basilica, built 
by Constantine, was burned down ; the Patriarch 
Zacharias and the True Cross were taken away to 
Persia as hostages. Mediaeval writers state that the 
corpses of the martyrs were buried at the "Charnel 
House [or, Cave] of the Lion," beside the Mamilla Pool 

' Koran, XXX. i. 

' See Robinson, " Bib. Res.," i. p. 387. 


outside Jerusalem, on the west/ where a subterranean 
chapel still exists. 

The prediction of Muhammad was speedily ful- 
filled. Heraclius drove the Persians out of Asia 
Minor in 622 a.d. — the year of the Hejirah — and 
struck boldly at the heart of their empire. He ad- 
vanced nearly to Ispahan, and in five years he so 
ruined Sassanian power as to leave Persia a prey to 
the Moslems ten years later. His advance forced 
Khosrau II. to retreat from Palestine, and early in 
628 the latter was murdered by his son Siroes, who 
made an ignominious peace with the Byzantines. 
Thus, in the following year, Heraclius made a 
triumphal entry by the Golden Gate into Jerusalem, 
at the Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross on Sep- 
tember 14, and bore the sacred relic on his shoulder, 
while the patriarch, having died in captivity, was 
succeeded by Modestus, his vicar. 

Even before this last triumph of the Byzantine 
emperor, steps had been taken to rebuild the ruined 
churches, as soon as the Persians had retired. John 
Eleemon, Patriarch of Alexandria, raised funds and 
sent a thousand workmen from Egypt.^ The monk 
Modestus, appointed vicar to the captive Patriarch 
Zacharias, superintended the building work. 

The churches destroyed by Khosrau II. included 
(according to Eutychius, who, however, wrote three 
centuries later) the church of Gethsemane (or of the 
Virgin's Tomb),' and those of Constantine and Helena, 

' Eutychius, " Annales," ii. ; John of Wurzburg {c. 1160 a.d.); 
" Citez de Jh6rusalem " ; " Ord. Survey Notes," p. 68. The pool is per- 
haps the Beth Mamil of the Talmud (Tal. Bab., Eruhin, 51/; Sanhed., 
24 a ; Bereshith, Rabba^ clj.- li.) though some pilgrims connect it with 
St. Babylas. The legend of the pious lion who buried these martyrs 
may have arisen from a corruption of the name Mamilla ("filled") 
as M^aun-el-lawi (" den of the lion "). The cemetery near the pool 
is now Moslem, but the Kubbet el ^Abd, or " slave's dome," is an old 
Crusader's tomb in its midst. 

' Leontius, " Life of John Eleemon." 


with Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre. About sixty 
years after these were rebuilt, the Gaulish bishop 
Arculphus described the new churches to Adamnan, 
bishop of lona, to which island he had been driven 
by a storm. Rough sketch-plans were also made by 
Adamnan from his accounts, representing the sites 
near the Holy Sepulchre, the square church of Holy 
Sion, and the round church on the summit of Olivet, 
Before these were in turn destroyed (in loio a.d.), they 
were also visited by St. Willibald in the eighth century, 
and by Bernard, " the wise monk," in the ninth 
century. From these accounts,^ and from existing 
remains, we may conclude that the new buildings 
were very inferior to those of Constantine's time, 
but that they were on the same sites. 

The chapel or chamber over the Holy Sepulchre 
was now apparently a round tugnrium or *' cabin," 
without any ante-chamber. The great apse in which 
it stood was converted into a rotunda, and a circular 
wall, or fence, was built outside it. The central drum, 
supported on pillars, was roofless just as it was later, 
Three altars stood in the three small apses of the 
rotunda. The "cabin" was covered with marble 
slabs, and had a gold cross on its roof. The Calvary 
rock was enclosed in a second (square) chapel, which 
was separated by a porch from the small " Church of 
Constantine," which in part replaced the old basilica 
proper. Under this was a rock-cut crypt reached by 
steps — as it still is — and shown as the place where 
the three crosses were found hidden by St. Helena. 
Besides these three churches there was a fourth to the 
south of the rotunda of the Holy Sepulchre. It was 
dedicated to St. Mary, and is said to have been large 

' There is also a short Armenian account, probably of the seventh 
century. N. Bain in Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, Oct. 1896; "Archives 
de I'Orient Latin," ii. p. 394. The rotunda is here stated to have 
had an upper arcade of twelve pillars, 


and square. Its exact position is not very clear, and 
no remains survived the second destruction in loio a.d., 
unless it was on the site of the chapel afterwards 
built, and also dedicated to the Virgin, rather farther 
west than the position on the map of Adamnan. The 
open court, or " Paradise," east of the rotunda was 
paved with marble, and the walls shone with gold. 
It was supposed to represent the garden in which the 
"new tomb " had been hewn in the rock.^ In or near 
its centre was a pillar said to mark the " middle of 
the world," which was proved by its casting no 
shadow at the summer solstice ; but this, of course, 
was impossible. Four chains hung from this pillar, 
connecting the four churches to it (according to 
Bernard in 867 a.d.) ; on the north-east side of the 
Paradise was a wooden table on which alms were 
received ; and south of this (between Calvary and the 
basilica) was a chamber where the silver cup of the 
Last Supper was shown. 

The only remains attributable to these buildings 
are those which have recently been found west of the 
old pillared street,- and east of the cave " Chapel of 
Helena," together with the columns supporting the 
roof of the latter, and perhaps one capital which 
has been built into the wall of the Chapel of the 
Virgin south of the rotunda, and which the visitor 
passes (on his left) when going from Christian Street 
to the south entrance of the present cathedral. The 
capitals in the Chapel of Helena, with their heavy 
outline and basket-work ornament, are evidently 
Byzantine work of about the seventh century, and 
the capital of the built-in pillar is in the same style. 
The wall and gate recently described by Mr. Dickie 
may have belonged to the renovated basilica built 

' St. Willibald {c. 754 a.d.). 

* Pa/. Expl. Fund Quarterly, Oct. 1907, p. 297, Oct. 1908, pp. 
298-310, report by Mr. A. C. Dickie, 


by Modestus, and ancient masonry here appears to 
have been re-used, perhaps more than once. As 
this wall is not at right angles to the axis of the 
original basilica, it probably belonged to the detached 
building erected by Modestus, or to that which 
superseded it in 1028 a.d. The " Prison of Christ," 
east of the rotunda, is not noticed in any account 
of the period when the buildings of Modestus were 
standing (622-1010 a.d.), and this with its arcade 
seems to have belonged to the third period of building 
to be described later. 

Other churches which may have been rebuilt by 
Modestus include the " double church " of the Virgin's 
Tomb (a subterranean chapel with a round roofless 
building over it), and the remarkable round church 
on the summit of Olivet. These, like the four 
churches above described, were rebuilt by the Franks 
in the twelfth century. The Armenian account 
(already noticed ') speaks of the Virgin's Tomb as 
reached by two hundred and fifty steps, having 
above it a cupola on four marble columns covered 
with copper crosses. It also mentions St. Sion 
apparently as having a crypt, and a wooden cupola 
on which the Last Supper was painted. The 
Church of the Ascension was also roofless, and had 
apparently a central drum, supported on pillars and 
pierced by eight windows on the west side : these 
were glazed, and lamps were hung in them which 
could be seen shining by night from the city. A 
circular double cloister surrounded the drum, and in 
the centre was a bronze cylinder,- with a glazed door 
through which could be seen the rock marked by 
the two footprints of Christ. The pilgrims used to 
be admitted within, and carried away with them the 

' See back, p. 229. 

' So Arculphus in O80 a.d. ; but in 754 a.d. VVillibald describes 
it as being square. 


dust lying on the rock. A strange superstition was 
also connected, in the eighth century, with two pillars 
which apparently stood in the east gate of the outer 
cloister ; for St. Willibald says that " the man who 
can squeeze between the pillars and the wall becomes 
free from his sins." The same superstition still clung 
to two pillars in the Aksa Mosque as late as 1881 a.d. ; 
for it was said by Moslems that any one who 
squeezed between them would go to heaven. In con- 
sequence, perhaps, of my having passed through them, 
an iron bar was placed across by order of the pasha 
to prevent this old custom being followed any more. 
It is a survival of the widespread peasant belief 
in the virtue of " passing through " holed stones, 
creeping under dolmens, or altars, or arches, which 
we find all over the world, from Ireland to China and 

The works of Modestus had only been completed 
about a dozen years before the Moslem Conquest, 
and were the last carried out under Christian 
domination until the time of the first Crusade, 
though other churches were built in 1028 a.d., as 
will appear later. The gradual growth of Christian 
buildings in Jerusalem, down to the era of the 
downfall of Christian power in Palestine, has been 
described in the historical sequence of their con- 
struction to the time immediately preceding the 
triumph of Islam. 



Among the texts, from the Koran, of the mosaics in the 
Dome of the Rock occurs one which reads, "Jesus 
the son of Mary is one sent by God, and His Word 
whom He sent upon Mary, and His Spirit." * 
Muhammad did not regard our Lord as being simply 
a human being, and Carlyle was not wrong in calling 
Islam a kind of Christianity. But it was the Chris- 
tianity of Syrian and Arab Gnostics, not of the 
Gospels, just as Muhammad's ideas about the faith 
of Israel were taken from Talmudic Jews, and not 
from the Old Testament. Islam was a revolt, not only 
from the savage superstitions of Arabia but from the 
formalism of Jews and Byzantine Christians, who, as 
Muhammad said truly, had corrupted the truth by 
teaching the traditions of men. He denied all the 
doctrines concerning the Trinity which, in his time, 
preoccupied the minds of Christians, and which had 
rent the seamless robe into seven pieces, by the schisms 
of Latins, Greeks, Armenians, Chaldeans, Maronites, 
Syrians, and Copts, who had replaced the Catholic 
Church of Constantine. Politically, Islam set free 
the Semitic race from the feeble tyrannies of Greeks 
and Persians. History repeated itself, for the Arab 
is always eager to swarm from his deserts when the 
rulers of the rich lands to the north are weakened by 

' De Vogiie, " Temple de Jerusalem," 1863, p. 84 ; see Kor^n iv. 169, 
xix. 34-7. 



strife among themselves. About 650 b.c, when the 
king of Assyria was fighting Babylon, the Arabs 
conquered Eastern Palestine for a few years till driven 
back by Assur-bani-pal. In the time of our Lord, the 
Arab king of Petra ruled also in Damascus, and 
among the earliest Christian converts were the Beni 
Ghassan Arabs of Bashan. Thus, when Muhammad 
had united Arabia, there was already a large Semitic 
population ready to join the Moslems in the north, 
and a large Gnostic and Ebionite school of thought as 
weary as were the Jews of oppression by monks and 
bishops, weary also of endless disputes among the 
churches, and ready to accept a simpler belief in one 
God, and in a living prophet who said that there was 
but one faith taught by all who came before him, and 
common to Christian and jew. It was not a perse- 
cuting faith, and the tolerance of Islam, under the 
Arab khalifs, was not changed into fanaticism till 
later Turks arose to give their captives the stern 
choice between the sword and the Koran. 

It needed, therefore, only one great defeat for the 
decayed power of Byzantium to crumble away, and for 
the ruined Sassanians to lose their sway over races 
mainly Semitic. This victory was won on the pre- 
cipitous banks of the Yermuk stream in Bashan, four 
years after the death of Muhammad, which took place 
in his house at Medinah on June 8, 632 a.d. The 
capture of Jerusalem by the forces of Omar, in 637 a.d., 
was merely an incident in that story of wonderful 
conquests, which, within three-quarters of a century, 
united West Asia, North Africa, and Spain under the 
Arab khalifah of Damascus, as "successor" of the 

We have, however, no contemporary account of the 
siege of Jerusalem, which lasted at least four months. 
The Moslem histories were — at earliest— written six 
centuries later, though based on older sources. The 

OMAR 235 

earliest Christian account is that of Theophanes, two 
hundred years after the event, and the narrative of 
Eutychius (about 930 a.d.) is inaccurate : this writer 
was chiefly interested in showing that Heraclius was 
defeated because he had become a Maronite, deserting 
the orthodoxy of the Greek Church.^ There is, how- 
ever, a general agreement as to the main features of 
the story. When the patriarch Sophronius capitulated 
to Abu 'Obeidah, a lean Arab about fifty-five years of 
age, clad in a coarse cotton shirt and sheepskin jacket, 
was seen approaching on his camel, accompanied by 
his victorious general on a little dromedary with a 
rude halter of hair, his camel-hair cloak folded on the 
wooden saddle. Such was the early simplicity of the 
conquerors of Asia — of Abu 'Obeidah, and of his 
master Omar the second khalifah. To the patriarch 
it was a sure sign of the end of the world, and 
Theophanes says that he exclaimed, " This is of a 
truth the abomination of desolation spoken of by 
Daniel the prophet, standing in the holy place." 
Eut3Thius preserves what seems to be the original 
written promise to the city, faithfully fulfilled by 
Omar : " In the name of God merciful and pitying, 
from 'Amr ibn el Khattab to the dwellers in the city 
Ailia, that they may be safe as to their lives, their 
children, their possessions, and their churches, that 
these shall neither be pulled down nor occupied." 
Yet a place must be set aside where Moslems should 
pray in future, and it was agreed that this should be at 
the site of Solomon's Temple, which still stood desolate 
at the Sakhrah rock.* 

Omar therefore entered the Haram, and — according 
to tradition — entered by the " Prophet's Gate " towards 

' Extracts from Eutychius, " Annales," bk. ii., in the series of Pal. 
Pilgrims' Te.xts Society, 1895. 

' Besant and Palmer, "Jerusalem," 1871, p. 71; Theophanes, 
" Chronopraphia " (see Robinson, "Bib. Res.," i. p. 389); Eutychius 
♦' Annales," ii, 


the south part of the west wall. He prayed in 
Justinian's basilica of the Virgin, and the place now 
shown as his " station " {Makdm 'Amr) did not then 
exist, being the vestry of the later Templar Church 
adorned with twisted Gothic pillars.* He is said to 
have visited the Sakhrah, which he purified. Eutychius 
says that in Constantine's time "the Rock and the 
parts adjacent thereto were ruinous, and were thus 
left alone. They cast dirt on the stone, so that a great 
dunghill was piled upon it, wherefore the Romans (or 
Byzantines) neglected it, and did not pay it the honour 
which the Israelites were wont to do, neither did they 
build a church over it, for that our Lord Jesus Christ 
said in the Gospel, * Behold your House shall be left 
unto you desolate.' " Omar caused it to be purified, 
and " then some one said, ' Let us build a temple 
with the stone for Kiblah ' (or direction for ' fronting ' 
in prayer) ; but Omar answered, ' Not so, but let us 
build the shrine so as to place the stone behind 
it.' So Omar built a shrine and set the stone in its 
back part." With this account the later Moslem 
historians of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries a.d. 

As regards this Mosque of Omar, which no longer 
exists, a very common error is due to the mistakes 
of later Christian historians,^ and the Dome of the 
Rock — which did not exist till half a century after 
Omar's entry — is called the " Mosque of Omar " in 
popular literature. Theophanes sa^^s that "Omar 
began to restore the Temple at Jerusalem, for indeed 
the building no longer then stood firmly founded, but 
had fallen into ruin." William of Tyre, in the twelfth 

' See Suyuti, as quoted by Guy le Strange, " Pal. under Moslems," 

1890, p. 112. 

' Guy le Strange, " Palestine under the Moslems," 1890, pp. 138-44. 

^ Ibid., p. 91; Theophanes, " Chronographia " ; William of Tyre, 
I. ii., " Ex opere musaico Arabic! idiomatis, literarum vetustissime 
monumenta quae illius (Omar) tempore esse credentur," 


century, thought that the old Kuhc texts in the Dome 
of the Rock attributed the building to Omar. The 
Franks could not read them, or they would have 
found out their mistake. This great historian of their 
victories speaks of " mosaic work with most ancient 
monuments in letters of the Arabic idiom, which are 
believed to be of his [Omar's] time." But the first 
khalifs were warriors and not builders. Muhammad's 
mosque at Medinah was made of mud and palm-tree 
posts, and the real Mosque of Omar, which was still 
standing about 680 a.d., before it was replaced by the 
Dome of the Rock, was near the east wall of the 
Haram. It is described by Arculphus in such a 
manner as to agree with the later statement of 
Eutychius, leaving no reasonable doubt on the ques- 
tion. As recorded by Adamnan, his guest (Arculphus) 
said : " Also in that famous place where, before, the 
temple had been magnificently built, the Saracens 
frequent a square house of prayer placed near the 
east wall, building it themselves — a poor work with 
upright beams and great planks — on certain remains 
of ruins ; which house is said to hold as many as 
three thousand men together." ^ This rude wooden 
mosque stood, therefore, east of the Sakhrah, amid 
the ruins of the Temple courts, of which traces only 
were left. 

The triumphs of the khalifs of Damascus were 
preceded by fierce internal dissensions in Islam. 
When 'Othman, the third khalifah, died, in 644 a.d., 
Muawiyah, the son of Abu Sofian — Muhammad's old 
enemy, head of the elder branch of that Koreish family 
to which the prophet belonged — was ruler of Syria. 

' " Ceterum in illo famoso loco ubi quondam templum magnifice 
constructum fuerat, in vicinia muri ab oriente locatum, nunc Saraceni 
quadrangulam orationis domum quam subrectis tabulis et magnis 
trabibus super quasdam ruinarum reliquias construentes, vili fabricati 
sunt opere, ipsi frequentant, que utique domus tria hominum millia 
siraul ut fertur capere potest." 


He refused to recognise 'Aly, the son-in-law of 
Muhammad, as the fourth khahfah, and war between 
the two parties ensued. In 660 'Aly was assassinated 
at Kufa by the poisoned sword of an anarchist, and 
his son Hasan abdicated six months later in favour 
of Muawiyah. The Persian legend of Hasan and 
Hosein has no true foundation. Hasan was poisoned 
by his wife in 66^ a.d., at the instigation, it is said, 
of Yezid, son of Muawiyah. The latter was still 
khalifah at Damascus till 680 a.d. Hosein, whom 
the Persian story represents as being a boy, was 
about fifty-four when he fell at the battle of Kerbela 
in the same 3^ear. Hasan is said to have left fifteen 
sons and five daughters, and among these were the 
children of Fatimah, the prophet's daughter, from 
whom the later Khalifs of Egypt claimed descent. 
The struggle between the two parties of the Keis and 
the Yemini — or Syrians, and Arabs of the Yemen — 
went on yet later, and the memory of these factions 
is indeed not yet dead ^ even to-day in Palestine. 
'Abd el Melek was the fifth khalifah of Damascus 
(685-705 A.D.) of the family of Muawiyah, and for eight 
years before his accession Islam was rent by interne- 
cine quarrels. 'Abd-Allah ibn Zobeir led the Yemen 
faction, and Arabia and Africa refused to acknowledge 
the Omawiyah family as khalifs. It was at this time 
that 'Abd el Melek conceived the idea of making 
Jerusalem the Kiblah for the faithful, and — as he had 
no access to the Black Stone at Mekkah — of inducing 
them to perambulate the Sakhrah rock instead. It 
was then probably that Muhammad was first said 
to have been miraculously borne by the lightning 
cherub to Jerusalem, and to have ascended from the 
holy rock to heaven. The legend grew out of a 
single verse in the Koran : " Glory to Him who 

' See my volume, " Heth and Moab," ist edit., p. 377 ; Besant 
and Palmer, " Jer.," p. 78 ; El Y'akQbi {c. 874 a.d.). 


carried His servant by night from the Haram place 
of prayer to the place of prayer that is more remote." ^ 
This probably referred to the Medinah mosque, but 
was now understood to mean the one at Jerusalem — 
the great enclosure where Justinian's church still 
stood, as a Moslem place of prayer; and it thus 
received the name Masjid el Aiksa, or "the more 
distant mosque." These events preceded, and account 
for, the building of a Moslem shrine over the site 
of the Temple itself, which had been unoccupied for 
six hundred j^ears. 

In the time of 'Abd el Melek Jerusalem remained 
much as it had been under Justinian, except that 
Eudocia's wall seems to have been allowed to fall 
into ruins. It was probably found to be indefensible 
from catapults on the south cliff of Hinnom, and the 
Sion wall, as early at least as 680 a.d., ran on its 
present line on the south. ^ Perhaps, indeed, Hadrian's 
wall had never been destroyed, and the great re-used 
Herodian blocks, which are now visible at the base 
of the Turkish wall, may have been there since 135 a.d. 
The city was smaller and less prosperous than it had 
been under the Christians : the smaller buildings of 
Modestus had replaced the great basilica of Constan- 
tine ; and, by agreement with Omar, no new churches 
were built. 'Abd el Melek now attempted to make 
the Holy City the sacred centre of his empire. El 
Y'akubi, who wrote two centuries later, says of this 
khalifah that he "built a dome over the Sakhrah " ; 
and Eutychius (in 930 a.d.) says the same.^ 

' Koran, xvii. i. 

* Arculphus, " Situs quippe ipsius urbis a supercilio aquilonali montis 
Sion incipiens." 

' Prof. Hayter Lewis, "Holy Places of Jer.," 1888, p. 64. Eutychius 
is there quoted as saying, " Abdil Maleci Ebn Mervan mittens hie 
Hierosolyma, templum auxit donee petram in ipsum inferet, homin- 
esque Hierosolyma peregrinari jussit." Before this the " templum " was 
the Alf;sa only. 


We do not, however, depend solely on any literary 
statement as to the origin of this building. Round its 
octagonal screen, above the arcade, run the original 
Kufic texts which preserve passages from the Koran 
written, in mosaic letters, only about fifty-eight years 
after Muhammad died.^ The passages selected refer 
specially to the "unity" of God and to the nature 
of Jesus the Messiah, and seem to have been chosen 
specially for record in a Christian city. They are 
connected together by the ordinary "testimony" to 
the oneness of God and to Muhammad as His 
messenger. Amid these texts comes the historic 
statement : '* Built this dome the servant of God 'Abd 
[Allah the Imam El Mamun], emir of the faithful, in 
the year seventy-two ; may God accept it and be 
pleased with him. Amen. The restoration is com- 
plete, and glory be to God." This text would seem 
to be evidence at first that the Dome was built by 
the 'Abbaside khalifah El Mamun (808-33 a.d.); but 
the letters of his name are on a blue ground of a 
different shade to that of the original, and are squeezed 
into the space which was once occupied by the name 
of 'Abd [el Melek ibn Merwan], as is proved by the 
date 72 A.H. (or 690-1 a.d.), which has been left 
unchanged. The statement that " the restoration is 
complete " refers to El Mamun's restoration of 'Abd el 
Melek's original work. The ancient enmity between 
the Omawiyah and 'Abbas dynasties accounts for the 
obliteration of the real founder's name. 

El Mukaddasi, in describing the Dome of the Rock 
three centuries later, says that he had " never heard 
tell of anything built in the times of ignorance that 
could rival the grace of this dome," and it remains 
one of the most beautiful buildings in the world. 

' KorSn, cxii., Ivii. 2, iv. 169, xix. 34-7, xvii. in. See de Vogu6, 
"Temple de Jerusalem," p. 84; Besant and Palmer, "Jerusalem," 
pp. 86-8. 


The original chapel consisted of a great drum with 
a gilded dome supported on pillars and piers, with 
round arches above them. Round this circle, which 
covered the Sakhrah, is the octagonal arcade with 
similar round arches on similar pillars and piers. 
These arches are covered with glass mosaics, and 
the Kufic texts run above them, with gold letters on 
a blue ground, belonging to the original building. 
The mosaics of the drum, with their rich arabesque 
designs, are probabl}^ later, and the enamelled tiles 
of the interior bear the date answering to 1027 a.d. 
The dome itself fell down in 1016 a.d., and a fine 
text in the Karmathian characters of this age records 
its restoration in 1022 a.d.^ Another text in more 
modern Arabic mentions "renewal of the gilding" 
by Salah-ed-Din Yusef (Saladin) in 1190 a.d." The 
building thus bears witness to its own history, by 
dated inscriptions in various characters belonging to 
various ages ; for the Kufic (used in the seventh 
century a.d.) is an older script than the Karmathian, 
and this again is older than the Neskhi Arabic of 
Saladin's time. 

According to tradition, the small Dome of the Chain, 
immediately east of the Dome of the Rock, was the 
model first erected by 'Abd el Melek for the larger 
building.^ This statement is, however, very late. The 
Dome of the Chain is in the proportion of 2 to 5 
as compared with the Dome of the Rock in its original 
state, before the outer octagonal wall was built in 
831 A.D. ; but it is a decagon and not an octagon, and 
no great importance is to be ascribed to the tradition, 
though there is a considerable resemblance in general 
style between the two buildings. The pillars of the 

' De Vogu6, '' Temple de Jerusalem," pi. xxxvii. 
* Ibid., pp. 91, 92. 

' Mejir el Din {c. 1520 a.d.). See Guy le Strange, "Pal. under 
Moslems," p. 153. 



Dome of the Rock^ are none of them m situ, but 
have all been taken from some former building. I 
made careful drawings of them in 1872, and found 
that of the twelve under the drum no two had similar 
capitals. The capitals do not belong, in some cases, 
to the shafts, nor do the bases, which are also of 
different forms, and their height made up by thick 
layers of lead. These pillars, moreover, once belonged 
to a Christian building, and the cross is still visible 
on one of the capitals. The columns were taken 
either from the ruined basilica of Constantine in the 
city, or more probably from the cloisters with which 
Justinian adorned the vicinity of his Church of 
the Virgin, according to Procopius ; for the style is 
much that of the pillars in the part of the Aksa 
which appears to have been originally Justinian's 

This robbery of a Christian building has given a 
somewhat Byzantine character to the Dome of the 
Rock, and the extensive use of glass mosaic work 
also recalls Byzantine art. The mosaics of the Dome 
of the Rock differ, however, in this respect, that they 
are entirely confined to arabesques, and never repre- 
sent human (or animal) figures, such as appear in 
the Greek mosaics at Bethlehem and elsewhere : this 
shows that they were intended for a Moslem, and 
not for a Christian building. The Arabs had no native 
style of architecture. Muhammad and Omar built 
rude wooden structures, and it is recorded of El Welid 
— son of 'Abd el Melek — that he employed skilled 
workmen from Persia and Byzantium to build his 
great mosque at Damascus. Thus arose the Sara- 
cenic style, created by Greek and Persian architects, 
and using round arches even as late as the ninth 
century a.d., instead of those horseshoes which 
became distinctive later of Moslem art. The models 

' See " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., 1883, pp. 246-50. 


for the Dome of the Rock are to be found in the 
Sassanian architecture of Persia, in the round churches 
built by Justinian and Modestus at Jerusalem, or the 
octagonal church of Zeno on Gerizim, and in the 
Byzantine decoration of St. Sophia at Constantinople ; 
but the heavy wooden beams which tie together the 
pillars of the arcade, above the capitals, are not a 
Byzantine feature, but are found in early mosques at 
Cairo and in Spain. They are survivals of the wooden 
architecture of Omar's age, and they are never found 
in Roman or Greek buildings. 

There is no early statement to the effect that 'Abd 
el Melek did any building in the mosque proper, or 
"covered part " {mughattah), of the Aksa. An Arabic 
history of the fourteenth century gives what purports 
to be the report sent to 'Abd el Melek, at Damascus, 
as to the work done at Jerusalem: "God has vouch- 
safed completion to what the emir of the faithful 
commanded, concerning the building of the Dome 
over the Sakhrah of the Holy City, and the 
Mosque also, and not a word can be said to suggest 
improvement thereto"^; but the term masjid^ or 
" mosque," may refer — as elsewhere — to the Haram 
enclosure generally, and the only definite statement 
(by the same authority), that " in the days of 'Abd 
el Melek all the gates of the mosque were covered 
with plates of gold and silver," may (if true) have 
the same extended meaning. It seems probable that 
until the accession of the 'Abbas family, as khalifs 
at Baghdad, the mosque proper at Jerusalem con- 
tinued to be the ancient Church of the Virgin where 
Omar had prayed. 

The Omawiyah, or descendants of Muawiyah, re- 
tained the khalifate for less than a century (661- 
750A.D.); their strength lay in Syria and Egypt, and 

' Guy le Strange, " Pal. under Moslems," pp. 91, 144-5, quoting the 
" Muthir el Ghiram," 1351 ad., ch. vi. 


their weakness in Arabia and in the East. The battle 
of the Zab was fatal to Ibrahim, the thirteenth and 
last khalifah of Damascus, and the white banner of 
this great house fell before the black ensign of Abu 
el 'Abbas, who was yet more closely connected with 
the prophet as a descendant of Muhammad's uncle. 
Thus the political centre of Islam was transferred to 
Baghdad, and the influence of Persia and India, under 
the 'Abbasides, began to mingle with that of Greek 
philosophy, which had been learned from the Syrian 
and Chaldean monks who preserved in their mon- 
asteries the works of Plato and Aristotle, which 
were lost in Europe. The Sufi bore a Greek name 
{sophos, or "wise"), and the term orginally denoted 
an Arab student of Greek science ; but the mj'sticism 
of India attracted the cultivated Moslem, and under- 
mined gradually the simple faith of the first century, 
causing a deep schism between the Sunni, or 
follower of " tradition," and the Persian Shi'ah, or 
" sectarian." Philosophic scepticism, concealed at 
first, developed under the 'Abbasides with the growth 
of a culture learned by the Arab from the ancient 
Aryan races whom he had conquered, and was only 
repressed by the reaction which began when the 
Turks superseded the Arabs as masters of Islam. 
The age of the 'Abbasides, for about a century 
(750-860 A.D.), was the culminating period of Moslem 
civilisation, at a time when Europe was sunk in 
Gothic barbarism ; and though Spain never acknow- 
ledged the ruler of Baghdad as suzerain, Egypt and 
the whole of Western Asia obeyed these khalifs 
till the rise of the Fatemite dynasty in 916 a.d. at 

The revolution of 750 a.d. was heralded and followed 
by earthquakes, which were no doubt regarded as 
omens. The Dome of the Rock, standing on sure 
foundations, appears to have escaped any serious 


damage, but the Aksa Mosque was ruined, the west 
wall falling — according to later accounts '—about 
746 A.D., and the east wall about 755 a.d. We may 
probably understand by these statements that the 
great apse and the atrium of Justinian's church, not 
being founded on rock, were overthrown ; and the 
mosque was still in ruins in 770 a.d. The restoration 
was begun by El Mansur, the second of the khalifs 
of Baghdad, and was mainly carried out under his 
son and successor El Mahdy, after 775 a.d. The 
fourteenth-century account of this restoration states 
that El Mahdy made the building " shorter and 
broader " ; and El Mukaddasi, describing it two cen- 
turies after its restoration, says that " the more 
ancient portion remained like a beauty spot in the 
midst of the new, and it extends as far as the limit 
of the marble columns ; for beyond, where the 
columns are of concrete (or plaster), the later build- 
ing begins." This account seems clearly to apply 
to the present Aksa Mosque, which, as de Vogiie 
perceived,- was " preceded by a Christian church, 
of which the ruins were the nucleus for the Arab 
constructions." For there is a marked contrast be- 
tween what is called the " transept," or south part 
of the mosque, and the ruder work of the northern 
nave and aisles. The building was made shorter 
by the disappearance of the great atrium or the 
west, and broader by building the nave on the north. 
The only subsequent alterations of plan were those 
of the Templars in the twelfth century. They 
added a great refectory to the west, on the site of 
the south part of the original atrium, with a fine 
Norman porch still standing on the north, and a long 
vestry on the south Haram wall just east of the 

' Guy le Strange, " Pal. under Moslems," pp. 92, 93, 98. 
■* De Vogiie, " Temple de Jerusalem,' 1863, p. 69. 


The building, as it exists/ presents a dome sup- 
ported by white marble Corinthian pillars, and this 
probably replaced the original dome of the Church 
of the Virgin. The pillars are of the same character 
with those in the Dome of the Rock. The north part 
of the mosque consists of a nave and six aisles, the 
roof supported by huge Byzantine pillars, which are 
certainly not in their original position, but have been 
re-used. Sir Charles Wilson remarks that " some of 
the building inside is very bad ; in several places 
rough pieces of masonry have been built up by the 
side of the columns, to gain sufficient support for the 
piers " of the walls above. One column is enclosed 
in a polygonal pier, and some capitals are rude plaster 
imitations of the old Corinthian capitals on other 
pillars. The shafts of the pillars seem to have been 
cut shorter, and they thus present clumsy proportions. 
The arches of the arcades above them are pointed, 
and the clerestory has two rows of windows one 
above the other, but this superstructure may belong 
to the later restoration in 1187 a.d., or even to that 
recorded in an inscription, on the porch, as effected 
by 'Aisa, Saladin's nephew, in 1236 a.d. The pillars 
are very rudely tied together by heavy wooden beams 
— as in the Dome of the Rock — and these may have 
belonged to the original work of El Mahdy. The 
history of this building, which is a patchwork of 
various dates, not to be compared for architectural 
beauty with the more purely Arab Dome of the Rock, 

> Prof. Hayter Lewis, "Holy Places of Jer.," 1888, p. 78; Sir C. 
Wilson, " Ord. Survey Notes," 1865, p. 40; El Mukaddasi {c. 985 a.d ). 
The account by Nilsr-i-Khosrau, in 1047 a.d., is unreliable, or at least 
confused. He makes the length 420 arsh (about 630 feet), and the 
breadth X'^o arsh (about 225 feet), which is quite impossible if refer- 
ring to the maksnrah or roofed building, which measures about 
250 feet north and south by 180 feet east and west. He also speaks 
of 280 marble columns in the masjid, but the Aksa itself has only 
76 columns. No traces of any larger building exist. 


seems clearly to be indicated by the preceding state- 
ments. The church of Justinian was partly ruined 
before 770 a.d., and El Mahdy restored it, using up 
the pillars of its atrium and cloisters to build a long 
addition to the mosque on the north, which addition 
was of very inferior workmanship as compared with 
that of the church to which it was annexed. Each 
of the six aisles and the nave — running north and 
south — had a double gate on the north, and each of 
the six bays had a double gate on the east.^ 

The justice and tolerance of the great khalifs of 
Baghdad is admitted by Bernard, the pilgrim monk 
of the ninth century who visited Egypt and Palestine 
in the time of El Mut'azz, the thirteenth 'Abbaside 
khalifah, just before the Turks became powerful 
in the East. He says that " the Christians and the 
pagans have there such peace between them that 
if I should go a journey, and in the journey my 
camel or ass which carries my baggage should die, 
and 1 should leave everything there without a guard, 
and go to the next town to get another, on my return 
I should find all my goods untouched. The law of 
public safety is there such that if they find in the 
city, or on the sea, or on the road, any man journey- 
ing by night or by day without a letter, or some 
mark of a king or prince of that land, he is at once 
thrown into prison, till such time as he can give 
good account whether he be a spy or not." The 
Jerusalem Christians benefited by this peaceful rule 
in the East, and we have evidence of their undisturbed 
possession of property, in the Greek inscriptions of 
the rock tombs on the south precipice of the Hinnom 

1 The present mosque has 3 doors on north, 3 on east, and 3 on 
west, but El Mukaddasi speaks of 11 on east and 15 on north — perhaps 
including double doors, i.e. 6 on east, and 7 on north (for the nave and 
6 aisles). Nasr-i-Khosrau says 17 gates in all, 7 on north and 10 on 


In these tombs there are fifteen inscriptions in 
Greek uncial characters, which have recentl}'^ been 
copied again with great care by Mr. R. A. Stewart 
Macalister.^ Their translation has puzzled many 
scholars, and remains still doubtful in some details ; 
but the following interpretations may perhaps be 
found more satisfactory than those as yet proposed. 
The texts begin and sometimes end with Greek crosses, 
showing their Byzantine character. Five of them 
read only " of Holy Sion," and two more "monument 
of Holy Sion." These seven seem to mark tombs 
belonging to priests or monks connected with the 
ancient Sion Church. Another text in red paint is 
now illegible, but the remaining seven inscriptions 
are more important. Pilgrims from the West were 
numerous in this age : St. Willibald (about 722 a.d.) 
came from Hampshire, and Bernard the Wise (about 
867 A.D.) was a Breton monk from Mont St. Michel ; 
we are therefore not surprised to read over one 
tomb, " Private monument of Thekla, daughter of 
Maerwulf the German." She may have been a pilgrim, 
or a nun who took this Greek name as her title in 
religion, and who died in the hospice about to be 
mentioned ; or she may have come from Byzantium, 
where Teutonic mercenaries were employed, and no 
doubt married Greeks. The next text is that of 
*' The private monument of Ouroros [perhaps for 
Auroros] of Holy Sion," probably a monk, and 
possibly also a Teuton. Another, inscribed in red 
paint now much defaced by weather, is that of " The 
common tomb of the Patriarch's Hospital," which 
was apparently consecrated for pilgrims dying in 
Justinian's hospital, or in that which was founded 
about 800 A.D. by Charlemagne, as will appear 

' Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, July 1900, p. 225, seq. My own 
copies were imperfect, and de Vogiie's appear to be wrong as to a 
few letters. 


immediately. A fourth text is of great value, as 
giving a date : " Pachomios was buried singly in the 
year 718" a.d.^ He was thus not consigned to the 
"common monument" with other pilgrims. The 
fifth inscription is also in red paint, over the door 
of a tomb, and is much defaced. It seems, however, 
to read, " The private grave of the beloved offspring 
of holy Sergius, beneath his own coffin." The sixth 
text, inside the same tomb, refers to this beloved 
son, the words "nineteen years" being legible, and 
no doubt giving his age. It is probable that " holy 
Sergius" was the Greek patriarch of Jerusalem who 
died c. 858 A.D., or the second of the name dying 
911 A.D. The seventh inscription is boldly cut on 
the front of the tomb, round a Greek cross,^ and 
appears to run thus : " A private monument holding 
Thekla, abbess of the monastery of Job in the city 
[or, lot] of George." De Vogiie (misreading the con- 
tracted word tlies as scb) supposed this to be the 
tomb of Thekla Sebaste (or Augusta), the eldest 
daughter of Theodosius and Theodora, shut up in 
a convent by her brother Michael III. of Byzantium, 
and still alive under Basil the Macedonian (867-86 
A.D.); but this now seems to be uncertain. If the 
contracted word As stands for " city," her monastery 
must have been in Lydda, the city of St. George ; 
but if it stands for Aisa, " lot " (the diphthongs being 
often omitted in texts of this age), it is more probable 
that the grave was in the property of the Church 
of St. George in Jerusalem, There was more than 
one Monastery of Job in Palestine, the most famous 
being that in Bashan, while another {Deir Aiynb) 
was on the Jaffa road near the foot of the mountains. 
There may have been a third at Jerusalem itself, 

' Tou ekostOH is probably a mistaken spelling for ton ekastou. 
* De V'ogu6, "Temple tie Jerusalem," p. 134. The words are ab' 
breviated ; Thes is for Theisa, and As for Astu or for Aisa. 


for in 1 1 29 A.D. the " Casale of St. Job" belonged 
to the Church of the Virgin's Tomb/ and this might 
be near the "well of Job," not far East of the tomb. 
Another possible explanation is that the " Lot of 
George" was the property of the patriarch George, 
who died about 807 a.d., before the time of Thekla 
Augusta. Whatever be the true explanation of this 
and of the other texts, we see at least that in the 
eighth and ninth centuries the patriarchs of Jerusalem 
and the priests and monks of St. Sion held peaceful 
possession of their properties under the Moslems, 
and that the pilgrims from the Christian hospitals 
were buried, not only in a " common tomb " such 
as the great excavation at Aceldama, which existed- 
for their use at least as early as 680 a.d., but also 
in " private monuments " hard by. 

The " golden prime of good Hariin er Rashid " 
brought East and West into friendly intercourse.^ 
Charlemagne sent ambassadors to him, and they 
distributed alms in Jerusalem. The khalifah received 
them courteously, and granted their requests in 
favour of his Christian subjects, sending them back 
with his own envoys, who bore rich presents of 
vestments and spices. He made over to the new 
Emperor of the West the charge of the Holy 
Sepulchre ; and the keys of Jerusalem were sent to 
him as an emblem of possession of the sacred Christian 
sites, Harun, at Charlemagne's request, is said to 
have sent to him the only elephant he possessed, 
which arrived in Europe in 802 a.d. Alms continued 
to be sent to the Holy City by Charlemagne, and 
by his son and grandson, and the famous hospital 
of Charles the Great was now founded in the centre 
of Jerusalem. 

' Rohricht, " Regesta Regni Hierosol.," No. 131. 

' Arculphus says that pilgrims were buried in Aceldama. 

» Robinson, "Bib. Res.," 1838, p. 392; Eginhard, *'Vita Car. Magni.," v. 


Bernard the Wise in 867 a.d. says, " We were 
received in the hospital of the most glorious emperor 
Charles, where are lodged all those who go to that 
place for devout cause and speak the Roman tongue ; 
near which is a most noble church in honour of St. 
Mary, having, by the zeal of the aforesaid emperor, 
a library together with twelve mansions, fields, vine- 
yards, and gardens, in the Valley of Josaphat. Before 
the hospital itself is the forum (or market) where 
every one who deals there pays two aurei yearly to 
him who supplies .it." The hospital therefore faced 
the bazaar, and occupied apparently the same site 
where the Benedictines of Amalfi were afterwards 
found by the Crusaders. It is not clear whether the 
Church of St. Mary was that built by Modestus south 
of the Holy Sepulchre rotunda, or— as is more 
probable — was on the site of St. Mary Latin, built 
by Amalfi merchants beside their hospice. This 
church has now become the German Cathedral, and 
the hospital of the great German emperor was the 
original foundation which developed into the famous 
home of the Knights of St. John. The historic fact 
of this foundation originated the legend according to 
which Charles the Great himself visited Jerusalem 
to see the monastery, as we read in the " Chanson 
du Voyage de Charlemagne," written in 1075 a.d., of 
which there is also an Anglo-Saxon version.^ 

Mult fu liez Charlemagne Very glad Charlemagne 

De eel grant beltet Of this great beauty 

Vit du cleres colurs Saw in clear colours 

Le mustier painturet The monastery painted 

De Martyrs et de Virgenes With Martyrs and Virgins 

Et de Granz Majistez And the Great Majesty 

E les curs de la lune And the moon's courses 

E les festes anvels And annual festivals 

E les lavacres curre And running fountains 

E les peisons par mer. And fish at sea. 

' " Publications de la Soci6t6 de I'Orient Latin," Serie Geo- 
graphique, 1882. 


The son of Harun er Rashid was the last of the 
great 'Abbasides and the same Mamun (808-833 a.d.) 
whose name is found in the Dome of the Rock, not 
only in the Kufic text over the arcade, but also on the 
four fine bronze gates of the outer octagonal wall, 
where it accompanies his true date, answering to 
831 A.D. The beams of the roof above this wall bear 
a yet later date, answering to 913 a.d., and it seems 
probable that El Mamun built this wall, and that it 
did not form part of 'Abd el Melck's original design. 
It certainly existed in 985 a.d., and is noticed by Ibn 
el Fakih in 902 a.d., but El Y'akubi says that 'Abd el 
Melek " built a dome over the Sakhrah and hung it 
round with curtains of brocade," on the occasion 
when — according to the letter preserved by later 
writers — this khalifah desired "to build a dome over 
the Holy Rock in order to shelter Moslems from the 
inclemency of the weather." ^ 

The outer wall in question is adorned with fine 
windows, which were filled with coloured glass in 
1528 A.D. It has a parapet with round arches, sup- 
ported by coupled dwarf pillars, and with recesses 
under the arches, as was discovered in 1873. These, 
and the upper part of the wall outside, were covered 
with glass mosaics of which traces have been found ; 
while the lower part, according to various accounts 
from the tenth to the twelfth century, was adorned as 
now with marble.- The arcade of the parapet was 

1 Prof. Hayter Lewis, " Holy Places of Jerusalem," p. 33 ; " Mem. 
West Pal. Survey," 1883, Jerusalem vol., pp. 248, 249, 307-17; Pal. 
Expl. Fund (2'uarterly, 1873, p. 155. The beam with the date answer- 
ing to 913-14 A.D. was found in 1873, on removal of the wooden ceiling 
put up in 1776 A.D. 

^ Carved slabs from some other building have been used up in this 
marble casing. One of them bears, in Greek uncial characters, the 
words " Huper Soterias Marias" being evidently Christian. "Ord. 
Sur\-ey Notes," p. 33, and plates xiii., xiv. A Byzantine tombstone is 
also re-used in the paving of the floor of the Dome of the Rock. 
" Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., p. 426. 


still visible in i486 a.d., when Breidenbach made his 
§ketch of the building ; but the whole of the upper 
part of the wall and parapet was covered over later 
with the beautiful Kishani tiles, which bear the date 
1 561 A.D. In its original condition the octagonal wall 
and the arcaded parapet resembled in style the Sas- 
sanian buildings at Ctesiphon and Takht-i-Bostan in 
Persia ; and an exactly similar arcade with recessed 
panels, under round arches on coupled dwarf pillars, 
exists in the beautiful kiosque at 'Amman in Gilead, 
which — in plan — is similar to the Persian buildings 
above mentioned. This kiosque is probably Moslem 
work, and an early mosque exists close by.^ Thus 
while the original work of 'Abd el Melek shows the 
influence of Byzantine art, the additions made by the 
Baghdad khalifah El Mamun, in 831 a.d., very natur- 
ally show Persian style. 

The same Mamun also restored the Aksa Mosque 
and the Haram generally at the same time. Nasr-i- 
Khosrau (in 1047) says^ that this khalifah sent from 
Baghdad, for the Aksa, a beautiful bronze gate looking 
like gold, set in " fired silver," and chased. It thus 
resembled those which still bear his name in the 
four porches of the Dome of the Rock. The Haram 
contained several other small domes which still exist 
on the platform, and which date back to this great 
age of Moslem civilisation and prosperity. These 
include the " Dome of the Prophet " and the " Dome 
of Gabriel," to the north-west of the Sakhrah chapel ; 
but the " Dome of Spirits," farther north, is not noticed 
in early accounts, for the " Dome of Solomon " is 
probably the building on the east wall of the Haram 
north of the Golden Gate, now called the " Throne 

' See my volume, "Syrian Stone Lore," ist edit. 1886, pp. 352-62. 
In " Mem. East Pal. Survey," 1889, pp. 57-63, I have given a full 
account, with the plans and drawings which I made of the kiosque 
and mosque in 1881. 

* Guy le Strange, " Pal. under the Moslems," 1890, p. 107. 


of Solomon," to which a legend attaches (borrowed 
from the Talmud) concerning Solomon's power over 
demons, and his burial on the spot seated on his 
throne, so that his death was not perceived by the 
genii, whom he ruled by aid of his ring, until a worm 
gnawed the wood of his staff and the corpse fell to 
the ground. The " Dome of the Roll " in the south- 
west corner of the platform seems to have disappeared, 
unless the reference is to the underground chamber 
at this corner, which in 1873 was inhabited by a 
Moslem hermit. 

Many legends had grown up during the two 
centuries since Omar visited the Haram. The Holy 
Rock was believed — no doubt because of the Talmudic 
legend which made it the foundation of the Temple 
and of the world— to be a rock of Paradise, wondrously 
suspended over the abyss. Upon its surface was 
shown the footprint of Muhammad, and in the cave 
beneath he was said to have prayed with all the 
prophets who preceded him from Abraham down- 
wards. Through the pierced shaft in the roof of 
the cave he ascended to Heaven. The rock would 
fain have followed him back to Paradise, but the 
finger-marks of Gabriel show how it was held down. 
In the last days the Black Stone of Mekkah — accord- 
ing to Syrian Moslems — is to fly to Jerusalem to 
greet the Sakhrah, and the " tongue of the rock " is 
that which it will use to salute its sister of Paradise. 
North of the rock itself are still shown the tomb of 
Solomon, and the nails in a slab (perhaps once cover- 
ing a Templar's grave) which fall through into the 
abyss, and mark the lapse of centuries preceding the 
last day. Beneath the cave there was said to be 
a well descending to Hades, called the " Well of 
Souls " {Bir el Arwdh) to the present day. The 
" Well of the Leaf" {Bir el VVamkah), a tank under 
the Aksa, was so called because — according to a 


tradition mentioned by Mejir cd Din— a certain Arab, 
descending to find his bucket in Omar's time, found 
here also an entrance to Paradise, and brought back 
with him a leaf from the " Tree of the Limit " on 
which the fates of men are written. In the gate- 
house towards the south part of the west Haram 
wall was shown — as now — the ring to which, in the 
" Gate of the Prophet," the wondrous cherub horse 
with wings was haltered, to await the return of 
Muhammad from Heaven, and to carry him back to 
Mekkah. This steed (El Borak, " the glittering") had 
the wings and tail of a peacock, and a shining face. 
The " Dome of the Chain " was named from a legend 
of the chain that David hung in it, which none but 
those who told the truth could grasp. Nasr-i-Khosrau 
speaks of the " print on stone of the great shield of 
Hamzah," which was not apparently the Persian 
mirror shown in the Dome of the Rock down to 
1886, and said to be now at Constantinople, which 
used to be called " Hamzah's Buckler." 

Such was Jerusalem — Christian and Moslem — in the 
peaceful days of Islam under El Mamun. But many 
troubles were to come before the pilgrims, who now 
began to be more numerous, could find security once 
more under Latin rulers; and to the history of their 
oppression by Turks and Egyptians we must now 



The Turks/ or "settlers," were a branch of that 
strong Mongol race which first created civilisation in 
Mesopotamia, and which, through the courage and 
masterfulness that have always characterised this 
sturdy people, ruled Western Asia at least a thousand 
years before Abraham, as Akkadians and Hittites, 
who, though dominated by the Aryan and Semitic 
races after 1500 b.c, still clung, under their "tar- 
khans," to North Syria as late as the time of 
Nebuchadnezzar. The Turks proper had penetrated, 
or had been driven, into Central Asia at some early 
period, and the home of the tribes — Huns, Uigurs, 
Khitai, and others — was beyond the Oxus. They 
were long held at bay by the Byzantines and the 
Persians, but broke out east into China, and west into 
Hungary as Huns in the fifth century. Justinian 
was allied with the Turks, called Khozars, on the 
Volga. In Turkestan they protected the silk caravans, 
and about 580 a.d. Dizavul (" the orderer ") sent his 
ambassadors to Justin II. of Byzantium. The civilisa- 
tion of the Turks was primitive until they came under 
the influence of Buddhists from India, of Jews (who 

' See Gibbon, ch. Hi. ; V^mbery, " Hist, of Bokhara," 2nd edit. 1873 '. 
Yule, "Marco Polo," 1871, p. 172; Carmoly, " Itineraires de la Tcrre 
Sainte," 1847, " Des Khozars au X'' Siecle," pp. 1-104. For the name 
"Turk," see V^mb6ry, " Turko-Tatarischen Sprachen," 1878, pp. 184, 



established a great trade in Central Asia), and of 
Chaldean Christians who had churches at Samarkand 
about 900 A.D. The old Uigur alphabet is evidence of 
the wide range of the race, which drove a wedge of 
Yakuts into Siberia. Their letters were those of the 
Aramean alphabet of Persia, and Uigur texts are 
found on the banks of the Yenissei ; while farther 
east this alphabet reached Manchuria and China. 
Farther west the Khozars were converted to Judaism 
about 750 A.D., and are even said to have been ruled 
by Jewish kings. More than one empress of B3'Zan- 
tium was a Turkish princess, and the blood of the 
race thus ran in the veins of the Isaurian dynasty, 
Constantine VI. being the son of a Khozar mother. 

After the death of El Mamun, the seventh of the 
'Abbaside khalifs, the Arab empire began to crumble 
away. In his reign Crete and Sicily were conquered, 
and the power of Islam extended to the borders of 
India. But the simple creed of Muhammad was 
undermined by philosophy, scepticism, and mysticism 
in the East, while the Turkish mercenaries who 
guarded the khalifah at Baghdad soon became his 
masters. To the Turk the civilisation and philosophy 
of the age were of little value. He understood the 
Koran, and became a fanatical Moslem on conversion ; 
his influence was reactionary, and where he ruled, 
civilisation made little progress. Revolts in the 
provinces were frequent, and the khalifs became mere 
religious figure-heads. One of the first secret sects 
in Islam appeared near Merv in 'j6'j a.d., where El 
Mokann'a, the "veiled" prophet, was joined by the 
Turks. A yet more formidable society was that of 
El Karmat of Kufa, appearing in 890 a.d. The Kar- 
mathians pillaged Mekkah in 929 a.d., and their secret 
scepticism with exoteric mysticism was the origin of 
later Druze heresies which affected the history of 
Jerusalem. For two centuries the power of the Turks 



continued to increase in the East till Togrul entered 
Baghdad in 1055 a.d. 

In the West also the employment of Turks as 
governors led to the disruption of the Arab empire. 
Ibn Tuliin in Egypt renounced fealty to the khalifah 
in 868 A.D., and his family reigned in Syria till 905 a.d. 
Again in 934 a.d. Ikshid — also a Turk — revolted, and 
his successors held Egypt and Palestine till they were 
conquered by Mu'ezz-li-Din-Allah, the fourth of the 
Fatemites of Kairwan and the founder of Cairo. Thus 
in the last year of his reign (969 a.d.) Jerusalem came 
under the rule of this Egyptian Arab khalifah, who 
claimed descent from the prophet's daughter. 

The city, and especially the Haram, are described 
in this age by El Mukaddasi ("the man of the very 
holy city"), who was a native Moslem, and a great 
admirer of his home. He wrote under El 'Aziz, the 
fifth Fatemite, in 985 a.d. He says that the Syrians 
lived in fear of the Greeks; for the new Armenian 
emperor of Byzantium also took advantage of the 
weakness of Islam. Nicephorus Phocas had been 
murdered by Zemisces, who reigned as John I. 
Nicephorus had recovered Tarsus, Antioch, and 
Aleppo ; and Zemisces took Damascus, and marched 
nearly to Baghdad. Antioch, Cilicia, and Cyprus 
were retained by the Greeks till just before the first 
Crusade. El Mukaddasi, as a devout Moslem, was 
much troubled by the independent manners of Jews 
and Christians in Jerusalem, but bears witness to the 
prosperity of the town. The city was celebrated for 
enormous grapes and incomparable peaches, for 
excellent apples, bananas, raisins, cheeses, and cotton, 
almonds, oranges, figs, dates, and nuts, " besides milk 
in plenty and honey and sugar." " In Jerusalem there 
are all manner of learned men and doctors," yet he 
adds, " you will not find baths more filthy than those 
of the Holy City, nor in any town are provisions 


dearer. Learned men [of Islam] are few, and the 
Christians numerous, and the same are unmannerly in 
public places. . . . Everywhere the Christians and 
the Jews have the upper hand, and the mosque is 
void of either congregation or assembly of learned 
men." He refers to El Mamun's work on the Aksa 
Mosque, and to a "colonnade supported on marble 
pillars lately erected by 'Abdallah, son of Tahir " (that 
is to say, nephew of El Mamun), as also to the fine 
dome and pitched roof. Cedar doors, covered with 
bronze, had been sent by the mother of Muktadir-bi- 
Allah — the eighteenth 'Abbaside khallfah — shortly 
before the Egyptian conquest, for he reigned (at 
intervals) till 932 a.d. This writer gives a correct 
account of the Haram buildings, and of the measure- 
ments of the surrounding walls. 

It was perhaps on account of the growing power 
and independence of the Christians that the successor 
of El 'Aziz determined to destroy the Holy Sepulchre 
Church ; but the excuse was that the " holy fire" was 
a scandalous imposture. El Hakim-bi-amr-Allah was 
the sixth Fatemite khalifah, and acceded in Cairo 
in 996 A.D. There seems to be no doubt that he was 
insane— driven mad probably by mysticism — and about 
IOCS A.D. his eccentricities disgusted all his subjects. 
He was finally strangled by order of his sister in 
102 1 A.D., and was succeeded by his son Ed Daher-li- 
'azaz-Din-Allah, who was followed by his son El 
Mostansir-bi-Allah ; both these khalifs are connected 
with Jerusalem history. 

The Fatemites were not orthodox Moslems, but 
belonged to the secret sect of the Ism'ailiyeh — one of 
the heresies which sprang up in Persia under the 
influence of Indian mysticism ; and they held the 
doctrine of successive Imams who were incarnations 
of God in various ages, accompanied by successive 
incarnations of the Word of God in the persons of 


successive prophets. The sect was closely connected 
with that of the Karmathians, and recognised all the 
Fatemites as Imams or divine incarnations, the founder 
of the dynasty being the eighth of these mystic 
personages. Hakim accordingly proclaimed himself 
divine, but the strangest feature of these systems was 
that they were not the real beliefs ot the higher 
initiates. 'Abdallah, the founder of the Ism'ailiyeh 
sect, was a sceptic, and while — like the leaders of 
many such secret societies back to Hasan of Basrah, 
who was hanged by 'Abd el Melek in 704 a.d. — he 
endeavoured to unite Jews, Christians, and Moslems 
by teaching the doctrine of successive revelations, 
which Muhammad had proclaimed, he in reality 
renounced all creeds, and sought to rule men by what 
he regarded as their superstitions. Like all secret 
societies, these mystics failed in the end, but under 
the Fatemites they had real power, though the Sunn! 
subjects of Hakim were deeply offended by his 
blasphemous heresies. He sought to propitiate them 
by concessions to their orthodoxy, but he did not ex- 
tend his toleration to Christians, who were persecuted 
for several years. Finally, in 1010 a.d., as stated by 
Moslem and Christian accounts alike, the churches of 
Modestus were burned to the ground.' 

The memory of Hakim is kept alive to the present 
day in Palestine among the Druzes, who still regard 
him as having been an incarnation of God, and as 
destined to appear again in the last days.- Neshtakin 
ed Derazi, from whom this remarkable sect are 
named, was a disciple ot Hamzah Ibn 'Aly, one of the 
Ism'ailiyeh of Khorasan. He went to Egypt and 
preached the divinity of Hakim, but being expelled by 

' Will, of Tyre, i. 4, 5; Makrizi, etc. ; see Guy le Strange, "Pal. 
under the Moslems," p. 204. 

» See Churchill, " Mt. Lebanon," 1853, with an account of Druze 
beliefs abstracted from Silvestre de Sacy, " Expose de la Religion des 


the orthodox, retired to Hermon, where he gathered 
disciples, most of whom seem to have been Persians. 
Hamzah himself remained in Cairo till the murder of 
Hakim, after which he disappeared ; for the khalifah's 
son was an orthodox Moslem. It is still the belief of 
some 100,000 Druzes that Hakim and Hamzah, as 
incarnations of God and of the Word, will return in 
triumph from China at the end of the world ; and this 
strange idea shows the connection of the Druzes with 
the Mongol mystics of Central Asia, and with the 
later school of Buddhism. Yet Hamzah himself and 
his higher initiates had no such belief, and their 
secret teaching substituted seven laws for the seven 
taught to the lower grade, including "economy of 
truth," mutual aid, the denial of all creeds, separation 
from others, the unity of God, submission to His 
will, and resignation to the appointed kismah or 
" lot." 

When this strange episode in Moslem history ended 
in 102 1 A.D., the relations between Christians and 
Fatemites improved. Palestine had been torn by civil 
wars under Hakim ; by riots at Damascus ; and by 
rebellion at Tyre, where a Greek fleet appeared to 
aid the oppressed Sunnis, but suffered defeat from 
the Karmathian governor. The Greek emperor 
Romanus HI. obtained, in 1028 a.d., the consent of 
Ed Paher, son of Hakim, to the rebuilding of the 
churches.^ The news of the destruction of the Holy 
Sepulchre had spread with returning pilgrims to 
Europe, and had excited great indignation. Funds 
were no doubt easily collected for the restoration, 
but it seems that the new buildings were small and 
poor, as compared with those that preceded them. 
They were still standing in 1099 a.d., when the 
Crusaders arrived, and were included in the new 

' VVill. of Tyre, i. 6; Robinson, "Bib. Res.," 1838, pp. 394-6; 
" Chron. Adhemari." 


cathedral later. They were complete by 1048 a.d. 
under El Mustansir, but William of T3're ' speaks of 
the Golgotha Chapel as " a very small oratory " ; and 
the Russian abbot Daniel (about 1106 a.d.) says, 
" This was once a large church, but is now only a 
small one." 

From these accounts, and that of Saewulf, we find 
that several additions were made to the four churches 
of Modestus. The sepulchre still stood in a rotunda, 
and south of this were three chapels, while to the 
north was a fourth, all of which now exist, with 
apses to the east. The northern one is now the 
Latin Chapel of Mary Magdalene. The chapel nearest 
the rotunda on the south, over which the Norman 
belfry — built later — still rises, was then consecrated 
to the Trinity, and became the Latin baptistery. South 
of this was the Chapel of St. John, and the fourth, 
at the extreme south end of the buildings, was the 
Chapel of St. Mary, having a great fresco of the 
Virgin painted outside on its west wall. East of 
the north side of the rotunda was an arcade of pillars, 
which may have belonged to the " Paradise " of the 
seventh-century church. It does not run quite 
parallel to the axis of the Norman cathedral, and 
the later piers can still be seen added on the line 
of the Norman choir. At the end of this arcade, on 
the east, was the small chapel of the " Prison," which 
is now mentioned for the first time. Calvary was 
a separate chapel on the old site, and another square 
building stood over the crypt, where the crosses were 
said to have been found by Helena. 

The rotunda was decorated b}'' the munificence of 
the Byzantine emperor, Romanus HI. The Russian 
abbot Daniel says that the dome — supported on 
twelve pillars and six piers — was open to the sk}' 
above, as before, and as it continued to be in the 

' viii. 3. 


Norman cathedral. There were galleries round the 
building, and the walls of the rotunda were adorned 
with mosaics, as were those of the Golgotha Chapel. 
The tomb itself was surmounted by a cupola, on 
which the Franks afterwards placed a silver statue 
of Christ, which must have been a grievance to the 
Greeks. The mosaic design on the east wall ot 
the Golgotha Chapel represented the Crucifixion, the 
figures being larger than life. But the most re- 
markable mosaics seem to have been those on the 
drum just below the dome of the round church.* 
These were still visible as late as 1586, as described 
by Zuallardo. On the east was a figure of Christ 
as a child, with the Virgin on one side and the 
Angel Gabriel on the other (the Annunciation) ; on 
the left was Saint Helena, with six prophets holding 
scrolls on either side, the thirteenth prophet (probably 
Isaiah) thus facing the Christ, side by side with the 
archangel Michael, next the apostles. On the right 
was Constantine enthroned, and flanked by six 
apostles on either hand. The names were written 
to these pictures in Greek and in Latin. The new 
buildings were completed just before the Turks took 
possession of Jerusalem. 

The earthquake of 1016 a.d., which caused the fall 
of the wooden dome over the Rock, was no doubt 
regarded by Christians as the revenge of Heaven 
on those who had destroyed the Holy Sepulchre. 
But six years later it was restored by Ed Daher, 
and still stands with its fine Karmathian text 
beginning, " In the name of God merciful and 
pitying : truly he who believes in God restores God's 
places of prayer." Another earthquake did damage 
to the mosque and to the walls of Jerusalem in 1034, 
and in 1060 the great lantern, hung from the dome 

' Abbot Daniel {c. 1106 a.d.); John of VVurzburg {c. 1 160 a.d.); 
Theodorich (c. 11 72 a.d.). 


and lighting the building with five hundred lamps, 
fell with a crash on the Sakhrah — an omen of new 
troubles falling on Islam/ 

Under El Mustansir, in 1047, Jerusalem was visited 
b}^ the Persian pilgrim Nasr-i-Khosrau, who mentions 
the inscription still extant, giving actual measurements 
of the length and breadth of the Haram enclosure. 
He says that there were no buildings along the south 
wall east of the Aksa. In the city he found "an 
excellent hospital, which is provided for by con- 
siderable sums which were given for the purpose : 
great numbers of people are here served with 
draughts and lotions ; for there are physicians who 
receive a fixed stipend to attend at this place for the 
sick." This probably was Charlemagne's Hospice. 
This Moslem pilgrim also says, " From all the 
countries of the Greeks, and also from other lands, 
the Christians and the Jews come up to Jerusalem 
in great numbers, in order to visit the church and 
the synagogue that is there." The Jews prospered 
under Moslem rule, and the trade of the East was 
now to a great extent in their hands. In the twelfth 
century they deserted a Palestine under Christian 
rulers, but were found farther east in great numbers, 
wherever the Moslems remained dominant. 

In 1077 A.D. Jerusalem fell into the hands of the 
Seljuk Turks, and was pillaged by Atsiz. The 
history of this fateful change of masters, which, 
within a generation, gave cause for the first Crusade, 
demands a brief notice. The history of Persia and 
Baktria, since 874 a.d., had been one of constantly 
reinforced Turkish aggression. The Saman family 

* Besant and Palmer, "Jerusalem," p. 108; Guy le Strange, "Pal. 
under the Moslems," p. 130. Another Karmathiau text, forbidding 
the " protected '" (Jews and Christians) to enter a mosque in the city, 
probably belongs to this period, but it is not clear under which of the 
Fatemites it was set up. Pal. Expl. Fund Quatierly, Oct. i8y7, p. 302, 
April 1898, p. 86. 


was said to be descended from the Sassanians, but 
their forces were Turkish iVIoslems. Bokhara, under 
Ism'ail, in 895 a.d., was the capital of a kingdom 
stretching from the Tien-shan Mountains to the 
Persian Gulf, and from 'Irak to the borders of India. 
It was said to be "the seat of all the sciences." A 
century later (in 976) the Samanides were attacked 
by the Uigurs, and Ilik Khan entered the city in 
999 A.D. Ilik ("the prince") ruled from China to 
the Caspian in Central Asia, while the great Ghuzni 
dynasty was founded by Sebuktekin, who sought to 
aid the Samanides. Ilik, in turn, was attacked by 
an outlawed general of Bogu Khan ("the stag"), 
who was named Seljuk, son of Tokmak. It would 
seem that this family had been converted by the 
Jews of Central Asia, for among the names of early 
Seljuks we find those of Moses, Jonah, Israel, and 
Michael. But they now appeared as devout Moslems, 
Their tribesmen were still nomads when Togrul 
("the slayer") and Tchakar ("the brilliant"), grand- 
sons of Seljuk, fought Ilik in Bokhara and Boghra 
Khan in Kashgar. On the death of the great 
Mahmud of Ghuzni in 1030 a.d. they attacked his 
heir, Mas'aud, and Tchakar — ruling in Merv — totally 
defeated him nine years later. The united brothers 
then conquered Kharezm, and finally defeated the 
Buyids, who had ruled in Azerbijan (or South Media) 
since 935 a.d., and who were all-powerful in Baghdad. 
Thus in 1055 a.d. Togrul entered the Moslem capital, 
and was made "Emir of Emirs" as the protector of 
Kaim, the twenty-sixth of the Abbaside khalifs. The 
ambition of the Seljuks aimed at establishing their 
empire over the whole of West Asia, and they thus 
at once came into collision with Byzantium. 

The great family of the Comneni, who were to play 
an important part in future history, came from 
Castamona, on the Euxine, but claimed Roman 


descent. They were the successors of the Macedonian 
emperors, Isaac Comnenos being elected by the army 
in 1057. On his death his brother John declined the 
throne, and it was given to his friend Constantine XL, 
Ducas, in 1059. The latter died eight years later, and 
his widow, Eudocia — left guardian of three sons — 
married Romanus Diogenes, who became emperor in 
1068 A.D. Togrul had already sent an embassy to 
Byzantium demanding tribute. He died in 1063 at the 
age of seventy, his brother Tchakar having died five 
years before. In 107 1 a.d. Alp-Arslan (" the brave 
lion"), the next sultan, son of Tchakar, crossed 
the Euphrates ; and Diogenes, who had just taken 
Malazkerd, between Erzerum and Van, was obliged 
to retreat to Caesarea in Cappodocia. His army 
included Frank and Norman mercenaries, and the 
Byzantines were deserted by these.^ The Byzantine 
phalanx was broken by the Turkish archers, and 
Diogenes was defeated and taken prisoner. He was 
well treated by Alp-Arslan, and released on promising 
an annual tribute of 60,000 aurei. But he never 
regained his throne at Constantinople, and his son 
Michael was deposed by Nicephorus III., who usurped 
power in 1078, but who was superseded by Alexius I. 
(Comnenos) in 108 1. Alp-Arslan was fighting in 
Kharezm as early as 1065, and seven years later, 
while attacking Bokhara, he was stabbed b}^ a certain 
Yusef, whom he had ordered to be crucified. He died 
when only forty-four years old, and was succeeded by 
his famous son Melek Shah. This greatest of the 
Seljuks was at first involved in war with his father-in- 
law at Samarkand ; after 1077 his empire extended 

* El Makin says that Alp-Arslan had 40,000 horsemen. The 
Byzantines numbered 100,000, including Phrygians, Cappadocians, 
Macedonians. Bulgarians, Uzi of Moldavia (who mutinied, and who 
were Turks), Franks, and Normans, commanded by Ursel of Baliol, 
ancestor of the Scottish king John Baliol ; the family came to Durham 
from Normandy. 


from the Oxus to Yemen, and he bestowed Syria and 
Palestine as a fief on his brother Tutush, having or- 
ganised eight great provinces under his relations. In 
1075 Melek Shah had sent Atsiz, a Kharezmian, against 
the Fatemite khalifah. He took Damascus, but was 
defeated near Cairo, and in his retreat he reached 
Jerusalem, which his mutinous soldiers pillaged, 
Tutush besieged Aleppo in 1078, gained Damascus 
by treacher}', and — having conquered from Antioch to 
the borders of Egypt — was humbly received by Atsiz 
at the gate of the Holy City, but immediately ordered 
him to be beheaded. In 1083 Jerusalem was given by 
Tutush to his general Ortok, son of Eksek, and on 
the death of the latter, in 1091, his sons Elghazi and 
Sukman became rulers, Tutush himself being assassin- 
ated at Damascus in 1095. The Turks thus held 
Jerusalem for about twenty years, during which they 
greatly oppressed the native Christians and the 
pilgrims. About 1096, or rather later, when the 
advance of the Crusaders engaged all the Turkish 
forces in the north, while Radhwan and Dekak, sons 
of Tutush, disputed the succession, the Fatemite 
khalifah El Must'aila-bi-Allah took advantage of their 
weakness to seize Jerusalem and Damascus ; the Holy 
City was thus in possession of the Eg3'ptians when 
the Crusaders appeared before its walls in 1099 a.d., 
and the Seljuk princes and generals were at discord 
among themselves. 

The great Melek Shah had then been dead seven 
years, and his kingdom split up — though his son at 
Baghdad (Borkiyaruk, "the very brilliant") was 
nominal suzerain of the eight kingdoms, or provinces, 
which were practically independent. Melek Shah 
also fell a victim to an assassin, and such a fate 
appears to have been common in Turkish history. 
The sect of the Assassins (Hashshashin, or "hemp 
smokers") was, indeed, founded in this reign by 


Hasan el Homeiri, who was a friend of the celebrated 
poet 'Omar el Khayyam ("the tent maker"), and of 
Nizam el Mulk, the prime minister of Melek Shah. 
These three were of the Ism'ailiyeh sect, and the 
scepticism of that school finds expression in the well- 
known quatrains of Omar. 

" There was a door to which I found no key, 
There was a veil past which I could not see, 
Some little talk awhile of me and Thee 
There seemed — and then no more of Thee and me." 

The friendship of the three sceptics did not long 
endure. The vizier found out that Hasan was bent on 
supplanting him, and the latter was exiled to Kasbin, 
near which was the castle of the " Eagle's Nest," where 
— according to Marco Polo — Hasan's earthly Paradise 
was established, to lure the youths who vowed implicit 
obedience to his commands. The first victims of the 
new order were Nizam el Mulk (who fell into dis- 
grace), and Melek Shah himself The Assassins 
organised a huge secret society which, in the twelfth 
century, spread from Khorasan to Syria, and was 
feared by Moslem and Christian alike. It was sup- 
pressed in 1254 A.D. by Mengku Khan, but yet later 
the " Sheikh of the Mountain " was powerful in the 
Lebanon. Saladin and Edward I. alike were marked 
as victims, and to the present day the Nuseiriyeh of 
Syria retain the mystic beliefs of the order founded by 
Hasan in 1090 a.d. 

Although we have no pilgrim diaries of the century 
during v/hich the Turks became rulers of Western 
Asia, we know that the Latins were visiting the Hol^- 
City in ever-increasing numbers. Trade with Asia 
was carried on by French and Italian merchants.' A 

' " M6moires de I'Academie des Inscriptions," de Guignes, " Sur 
I'etat du commerce des Frangois dans le Levant avant les Croisades," 
quoted in Besant and Palmer's " Jerusalem," 1S71, p. 127. 


fair was held annually at Jerusalem on September 15, 
and the traders of Pisa, Venice, Genoa, and Marseilles 
bought cloves, nutmeg, and mace brought from India, 
pepper, ginger, and frankincense from Aden, silk from 
China — whether by overland caravan or by the 
Chinese junks ^ which appeared in the Red Sea during 
the Middle Ages — sugar from Syria, flax from Egypt, 
with quicksilver, coral, and metals, glass from Tyre, 
almonds, mastic, saffron, with rich stuffs and weapons, 
from Damascus. The Jews paid a heavy tax to 
secure the monopoly as dyers, and Jewish dyers still 
lived near the Tower of David in 1163 a.d., as 
mentioned by Benjamin of Tudela. The sugar-cane 
of Tripoli is noticed by Albert of Aix, and sugar- 
mills, set up by Moslems and afterwards used by the 
Franks, still remain in ruins at Jericho. Jerusalem 
was famous for its sugar as early, indeed, as the 
tenth century. 

Among these traders were the merchants of Amalfi. 
The little town in the Bay of Salerno, south of 
Naples, had a port sheltered by the hills from the 
mighty tramontana — the north wind which blows 
with almost hurricane force in winter. They kept up 
the ancient hospital in Jerusalem founded by Charle- 
magne. They apparently built beside it a monastery 
for Benedictines in 1048 a.d., and a Benedictine 
nunnery was added later. These were close to the 
Church of St. Mary Latin, for the hospice was in- 
tended for Latin pilgrims. The patron saint was 
originally the Egyptian patriarch of the seventh 
century, St. John Eleemon, but afterwards St. John 
Baptist when the order of the Hospitallers grew out 
of the Benedictines as Knights of St. John. They 
retained the black Benedictine robe, with a white 
cross. Geraud of Amalfi, the first master of the 
order, was found presiding at the hospice when the 

' Ibn Batuta. 


Crusaders arrived.' Pope Paschal II. took this insti- 
tution under his protection on February 15, 1113 a.d., 
and it is described as *' the Hospice of Geraud in the 
city of Jerusalem, near the Church of St. John Baptist, 
instituted with all the properties which do or shall 
belong to the said hospice this side or beyond the 
sea." It remained independent of the Latin patriarch 
down to 1 120 A.D., and the order was always specially 
under the Popes.- 

It was perhaps on account of the increased facilities 
for transit, afforded by the Italian fleets, that the 
numbers of the Latin pilgrims began now to increase 
so greatly. Europe was still plunged in Gothic 
ignorance, but the traders brought home tales which 
fired the imagination of artistic peoples such as the 
Proven9als, the Normans, and the Kelts were by 
nature. They heard, as they sat in their grim castles 
frowning down on some walled village, of great cities 
in the East full of treasure, and brightened with 
glorious works of art. They contrasted the splendours 
of the sunny South, in Italy and in Syria, with the 
gloom of the North. They learned from the palmer, 
or the Jewish trader, wonderful legends of Indian and 
Arab origin, and heard of sacred places and miraculous 
relics, Palestine was a fairy-land to them ; Damascus 
was a city to sack. They learned also that Christians 
in the East were persecuted, and trade obstructed, by 
savage Tartars who demanded endless taxes, who 
danced on the altar of the Holy Sepulchre, and pulled 
the patriarch by the beard. Their wrath was roused, 

' Foucher of Chartres, '' Hie fuit repertus ibidem quando Godefridus 
. . . ceperunt eandem." He died on September 3, 11 20 a.d. The 
Xenodochium of Geraud (" Kegesta," No. 71) was "prope ecclesiam S. 
Johannis Baptistae." In 1 1 18 a.d. (" Regesta," No. 86) Roger of Antiocli 
gave houses in Jerusalem and three villages to the hospital : " sitam 
quam Hierosolymis moratus Guiraldo dederat." 

* See Rohricht, " Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani," 1893, Nos, 71, 
86 ; Albert of Aix, vi. 25 ; William of Tyre, xviii. 4, 5. 


and they desired to aid the emperor of Byzantium, 
who was appeahng to them for help. 

The Church also was recovering from the utter 
degradation into which it had fallen after the time ot 
Charlemagne. Hildebrand appeared as a great Pope 
in 1073 A.D. — an Italian probably of Gothic origin, 
who reformed the Latin episcopacy, and freed himself, 
by aid of Normans, from the German emperor (whom 
he brought to his knees at Canossa), yet who died in 
exile at Salerno in 1085 a.d. The dreamers of dreams 
are the makers of history. Hildebrand dreamed of an 
united feudal Europe, under the Pope of Rome as its 
head. He saw the danger to Christendom of the great 
Moslem empire under Melek Shah which threatened 
Byzantium. He was the first to urge on princes the 
necessity of union, and of a " general passage " beyond 
the sea for the support of the Greek empire, and for 
the rescue of the holy places. Appeal had been made 
to Pope Sylvester H. as early as 1000 a.d., and he had 
written a letter ' in favour of the Eastern Christians, 
but nothing could then be done. The dream of 
Hildebrand was fulfilled within a generation. 

The Latin nations were still half savage, and 
the masses lived in fear of Hell, of the Last Day, 
and of the Pope — fears which were alike inculcated 
by their priests. It was expected that the world 
would come to an end in the year 1000 aftc the 
Nativity ,'■' and wills and legal documents of the tenth 
century begin with the words " Appropinquante 
etenim mundi termino, et minis crescentibus jam 
certa signa manifestantur, pertimescens tremendi 
judicii diem." Though the year passed without ful- 
filment of these fears, the idea of immediate ending 

1 "Acta Sanctorum," iv. p. 39; see Robinson, "Bib. Res.," 1838, i. 

P- 394. 

* Roderick Glaber, iii. 7, iv. 6; "Bib. Res.," i. pp. 396-400; Besant 
and Palmer, "Jerusalem," 1871, p. 133; Geof. de Vinsauf, "Itin. Ric," 
II. V. 


of earthly history continued to be a real motive of 
action even at the close of the twelfth century, when 
Geoffrey de Vinsauf says that the world " waxes old." 
The pilgrim received remission of his sins at the 
holy places, and if he died at Jerusalem he was 
ready to appear in the " Valley of Decision " on the 
day of doom. 

Jerusalem, which then measured nearly a third of 
a square mile in area, seems a small town to us, but 
to the pilgrims from the West it must have appeared 
large and magnificent, though Damascus and Con- 
stantinople were much larger. In the middle of the 
twelfth century Winchester, as the capital of England, 
under king Stephen, was only a third of the size 
of the Holy City ; and though the beauties of the 
Haram buildings could not be seen, the Church of 
the Holy Sepulchre, with its mosaics, its lamps of 
gold and silver, and many other gifts of princes, 
must have impressed the wild Normans with a sense 
of Oriental wealth. The Norsemen who accompanied 
Sigurd, soon after Jerusalem was taken by Godfrey, 
scorned to show their astonishment at the civilisation 
of Asia, yet even the smaller town of Sidon was a 
prize, as Halldor Skualldre sang. 

" He who for wolves provides a feast 
Seized on the city of the East, 
The heathen's nest ; and honour drew, 
And gold for gifts, from those he slew." 

After the completion of the new churches, in 
1048 A.D., crowds of pilgrims came rejoicing to see 
them, as Roderick Glaber ("the bald") relates: "And 
then from all the world an incredible multitude of 
men entered Jerusalem, with exultation, bringing 
gifts for the restoration of the house of God." Yet 
earlier, in 1033, he says, " An innumerable multitude 
began to flow together to the Saviour's tomb at 


Jerusalem, whom none might hope to number. 
First the class of the lower people, then the middle 
class, afterwards the greatest — kings, counts, and 
nobles — lastl}^ which had never happened before, 
many women, noble and poor, arrived there. Many, 
indeed, desired at heart to die before they went 

Among these pilgrims of high rank was Fulk the 
Black, Count of Anjou, ancestor of a future king 
of Jerusalem, who came to expiate many deeds of 
violence. When he returned he built a church at 
Loche in imitation of the Sepulchre at Jerusalem. 
He made two more pilgrimages to the Holy City, 
and died in 1040 at Metz, returning from the last. 
Robert of Normandy, father of the Conqueror, also 
went by the land route to Palestine in 1035 ^-O. In 
Asia Minor he met a Norman pilgrim returning home. 
Robert was sick, and was carried in a litter by 
Saracens. He bade his subject tell his barons " that 
you saw me where I was being borne by devils to 
Paradise." Before the gate of Jerusalem he found 
a crowd of poor pilgrims, denied admission by the 
Egyptian guard because they could not pay the 
tax of one aureus each. He paid the gold bezant 
demanded for every one of them. This munificence 
of the Norman was well appreciated by the Moslem 
governor, who sent back the money which Robert 
distributed among the poor. The duke died on 
his return journey at Nicaea before reaching By- 

The conversion of the Hungarian Mongols to Latin 
Christianity, in the end of the tenth century, opened 
a new safe route to Constantinople. Richard, abbot 
of St. Vitou in Normandy, led a band of seven 
hundred pilgrims to Jerusalem ; and in 1054 the 
bishop of Cambray was attended by a great host, 
who were called " the army of the Lord," but they 



only got to Laodicaea in Syria, and then returned 
home. Four other German bishops were accompanied 
by seven thousand pilgrims, and Ingulphus, the 
secretary of William the Conqueror, was among the 
leaders. They are said to have been served on 
vessels of gold and silver, and the tents of the 
bishops were hung with costly tapestry. They were 
attacked by an Arab sheikh at Ramleh, and were 
for a time in danger of their lives. But bishop 
Gunther of Bamburg felled the insolent brigand 
with one blow, and he was seized and bound. The 
Egyptian governor hurried to their assistance, and 
declared the sheikh to be an outlaw of whom the 
settled population were afraid. The bishops pre- 
sented the governor with 500 gold bezants (or 
about ;^25o), and were safely escorted to Jerusalem, 
They saw the holy places, and Ingulphus went back 
by sea to Italy. Bishop Gunther died in Hungary, 
and only two thousand out of seven thousand ever 
saw their homes again. Of his own comrades In- 
gulphus says " that they sallied from Normandy 
thirty stout and well-appointed horsemen, but that 
they repassed the Alps twenty wretched palmers, with 
staff in hand and wallet on back." 

Such were the pilgrims who explored the way 
for the Crusaders half a century before Peter the 
Hermit. Whether they continued to come in equal 
numbers after the Turks took Jerusalem in 1077 a.d. 
is not known, but, as we shall now see, the dangers 
and difficulties of pilgrimage then became far greater, 
and a cry of wrath and misery echoed from the 
Holy City over all the Latin world. 



Peter the Hermit was a knight of gentle birth from 
Picardy : " dwarfish, of mean figure, quick-witted, and 
with a sharp but kindly eye, he was free spoken, and 
not wanting in eloquence " ^ — a man better fitted for 
the cloister, in which the shy and sensitive found 
refuge in those rough times, than for the shock of 
battle. At the age of forty-four he left his monastery 
at Huy, near Liege, in the year 1094 a.d., and went 
as a pilgrim to Jerusalem, which was then in the 
power of the Turk. The misery which Eastern 
Christians and Western pilgrims had suffered for 
seventeen years from the wild Tartars and Kharez- 
mians who formed the Seljuk garrison was approach- 
ing its culmination. It is said that the Turks often 
invaded the churches, dancing on the altars, treading 
under foot the sacred chalices, wrecking their fury 
on the marble of the sepulchre, and dragging the 
patriarch from his throne by the beard. ^ The only 
hope for Christians lay in help from Europe. " When 
the cup of tribulation is full," said the patriarch 
■Simeon to Peter, "God will send the Christians of 
the West to help the Holy City." The time and the 
man were at hand ; and as the little hermit knelt 

1 Will, of Tyre, "Hist. Bel. Sacr.," i. 11. " Pusillus, persona 
contemptilis, vivacis iiigenii, et occulum habens perspicuum, gratum- 
que, et sponte fliiens ei non deerat eloquentia." 

» Ibid., i. S-io. 



before the sepulchre there came to him a voice that 
said, " Arise, Peter ; the time is come. Go forth and 
tell the tribulations of My people. The time is come 
that My servants should be succoured, and that My 
holy places should be free." 

We all know what was the effect on the history 
of the world that followed Peter's determination to 
obey the Voice : how his passionate faith and 
** eloquence " set Western Europe on fire ; how at 
the Council of Clermont, in November 1095, the 
" truce of God " was proclaimed among princes ; how 
the letters from the Eastern Christians were read ; 
how Peter testified to their wrongs ; how Pope 
Urban II. sanctioned his mission; and how the 
assembly rang with the shout of " Diex el volt." I 
have devoted another volume to the story of the 
Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, and it is here proposed 
to treat only the history of the city itself under its 
Latin kings.* A few words are, however, needed 
to give the thread of events preceding the conquest. 

Like all great popular movements, the Crusade was 
due to many motives affecting various classes of men. 
Faith, and sympathy with the wronged, roused the 
enthusiasm of those who listened to the passionate 
appeals of Peter, who was known to have served 
bravely in 107 1 under the Count of Boulogne in 
Flanders. He was a selfless man ; for after his day 
of triumph, when he was acclaimed as the saviour 
of Jerusalem by five years of suffering, he returned 
to his cell at Huy, where he died on July 7, 1115 a.d. 
But besides outraging Christianity, the Turks had 
endangered the trade of Italy, which, as we have 
seen, had prospered under the Egyptian Moslems ; 
and the merchant class had a vital interest in the 
pacification of the East. To the statesmen of Europe 

1 See "The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem," 1897, published by 
Pal. Expl. Fund, i vol. octavo, 443 pp. 


it was also known that the time was favourable for 
an attempt to crush Turkish power, which threatened 
the West, because the Seljuk princes were engaged 
in internecine quarrels, and were the enemies of the 
Arab and Egyptian Moslems. Pope Urban II. saw 
also in this popular excitement the means of uniting 
all Catholic princes under himself, and of extending 
the power of the Roman Church over the whole of 
Christendom b}'- reuniting the various Churches of . 
the East. He had been made a cardinal by the 
great Hildebrand, and was elected Pope on March 12, 
1088, but in the struggle with the empire he had 
been driven out of Rome, in 109 1, by Guibert the 
Anti-pope who was called Celestin III., and he had 
only regained possession of the sacred city in 
December 1093, after crowning Conrad, the rebel son 
of the emperor Henry IV., at Milan. He lived to 
carry out, in part, the dream of Hildebrand, and died 
in the year that saw the conquest of Jerusalem. 

The ambition of the Normans in Italy was not 
satisfied with the capture of the south from the Greeks, 
or of Sicily from the Moslems. They aimed at con- 
quest of far lands, where the younger sons of their 
princes might carve out kingdoms. Robert Guiscard 
(" the wily "), a valvassour (or gentleman) of Haute- 
ville in Normandy, had crossed the Alps in 1053, with 
five knights and thirty men, to join his brothers who 
were among the mercenaries invited (as early as 1017) 
by the Pope to conquer Apulia. He became the 
feudal overlord of the barons of Calabria and Apulia, 
as duke, in 1058 a.d. He became also the Pope's 
master, but the champion of Hildebrand against the 
German emperor. His brother Roger reigned in 
Sicily till 1090, and he himself died warring in Greece 
five years earlier. His eldest son Boemund was now 
fighting for possession of Amalfi, when the oppor- 
tunity arose for winning a new kingdom in Asia. 


He and his cousin Tancred agreed to lead a force 
of 10,000 knights and 20,000 foot soldiers to the East. 
Bcemund became Prince of Antioch, which he left in 

1 104, and died in Italy seven years later. Tancred 
became Prince of Galilee, and died at Antioch a year 
after his cousin. 

Godfrey of Bouillon (in the Ardennes) was de- 
scended on his mother's side from Charlemagne. He 
was the eldest son of Count Eustace II. of Boulogne, 
and nephew of the duke of Lorraine. He was about 
thirty-five years old, and had distinguished himself 
fighting for the emperor Henry IV. against the Pope, 
but now vowed as penance to aid the Christian cause. 
Like Bcemund, he was taller than most men, strong 
and ruddy bearded, loved and respected by all — a 
true knight, faithful and pure of life, brave and just, 
courteous to all, and humble of heart. With him 
came his brother Baldwin, who was the first to 
establish a Latin province in Asia as Count of Edessa, 
and who succeeded him as King of Jerusalem. The 
Lorrainers whom they led numbered 10,000 knights 
and 24,000 foot. Raymond of Toulouse, who had 
fought in Spain beside the Cid, led 100,000 men by 
land to Byzantium with Godfrey. He became Count 
of Tripoli, and died fighting there on February 28, 

1 105. Besides these future princes, Robert of Flanders 
and Robert of Normandy took part in the conquest, 
and the total force of trained fighting men, assembled 
at Constantinople in the winter of 1096 a.d., numbered 
about 200,000 in all. To them fell all the honour and 
profit, and the wild mobs of 100,000 pilgrims who 
preceded them, under Peter the Hermit and Walter 
Lackland, with 20,000 Germans besides, never reached 
Palestine at all, being massacred by the Turks near 

Such were the great actors and such their motives. 
They knew not what they did, and the results of 


enthusiasm and of ambition alike were far different 
from what they hoped. The masses may have found 
consolation in absolution from their sins, but no 
priestly blessing could alter the nemesis of conduct 
that came on them and on their children. The traders 
who hoped to dominate the commerce of Asia found it 
necessary, in the end, to make treaties with Moslem 
rulers. The proud princes of the Latin kingdom of 
Jerusalem were, within a century, to become outcasts 
dependent on their kinsmen at home. The emperors 
of Byzantium found, not allies, but masters, in the 
Franks. The Eastern Churches were dispossessed of 
their chapels and property by Latin bishops. The 
power of the Papacy was not in the end secured, nor 
was the union of Christendom, under the bishop of 
Rome as its feudal head, established more than a 
hundred years. Pride led to the fall of the Roman 
Church ; and education gained in Asia led to tiie 
Renaissance and to the Reformation. The Eternal 
Purpose which works for the rise of man guided these 
unwitting agents by ways which they followed with 
unwilling feet, and a half-savage Europe became a 
new centre of civilisation in consequence mainly of 
the Crusades. 

It is remarkable, also, that the success of the Latins 
was not due solely to hard fighting, but was also 
brought about by the policy of their leaders. Melek el 
Afdal, the vizier of the Fatemite khalifah El Must'aila, 
was eager to ally himself with the Latins against the 
Turks, but was dissuaded by the emperor Alexius 
Comnenos.^ El Ghazi, son of Ortok, sought aid of 
the Crusaders, at Mardin, against Radhwan, son of 
Tutush, his rightful lord at Aleppo. Tancred took the 
side of Radhwan, but Baldwin I. (in 1 1 10 a.d.) accepted 
the aid of El Ghazi against the Seljuks of Mosul; and 
Roger of Antioch was allied, in 11 15, to this same 

' Kohricht, " Regesta," Nos. 4, 8. 


son of Ortok, whose misgovernment of Jerusalem had 
been the immediate cause of the Crusade. Treaties 
with Moslems were made by Godfrey and by his 
successors, and after the fall of the county of Edessa, 
in 1 146 A.D., the Latins were often in peaceful relations 
with the sultan of Aleppo and Damascus. In 1127 
'Imad ed Din Zanghi, the atabek (or "father chief") 
who had become Emir of Emirs, as protector of the 
'Abbaside khalifah, was a formidable foe of the Latins/ 
and under his son Nur ed Din (1146-74 a.d.), who 
ruled the West, while his elder brother Kutb ed Din 
ruled in Mosul, it became evident that there was no 
prospect of enlarging the borders of the kingdom of 
Jerusalem. There was a tacit understanding that the 
Afrin, the Orontes, and the Jordan, were to mark the 
boundaries of the Eranks, who never occupied Aleppo 
or Damascus, but held a precarious sway in Gilead 
and Moab. 

The Crusaders took Nicaea from the Seljuk prince 
Kilij-Arslan on May 5, 1097; and, when Antioch was 
betrayed on June 2 of the next year, they defeated 
the Turks of Mosul under Kerbogha, the general ot 
Borkiyaruk, after which they set out for Jerusalem, 
and reached it unopposed in June 1099 a.d. The 
force sent south did not exceed 1,500 knights and 
20,000 foot-soldiers ; but, including camp-followers 
and irregulars, it amounted to about 40,000 men in all. 
Jerusalem was protected by a single wall, apparently 
on the lines of Hadrian's fortification, and it was 
attacked as usual from the north." The forces of 
Godfrey were arrayed towards the east, and were 
separated by those of Count Robert of Elanders and 
Duke Robert of Normandy from Tancred's Italians, 
with whom the men of Lorraine had quarrelled at 
Tarsus. Tancred attacked on the north-west, at the 

' " Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem," pp. 95-8, 107-8. 

' Will, of Tyre, iii, i-viii. 24; Albert of Aix, ii. 20-vi. 50. 


tower which afterwards bore his name. Raymond of 
Toulouse was opposite the west wall ; and part of his 
force afterwards took up a position on Sion, opposite 
the south wall of the city. Tancred's mad. attempt to 
take Jerusalem by assault, using only a single ladder, 
failed, and regular siege works became necessary for 
the reduction of the Egyptian garrison. Wood for 
siege machines was brought from a valley six miles 
away, but was found small and useless. In the heat 
of summer the Franks suffered terribly from want of 
water : for the wells were choked, and some said were 
poisoned ; the Siloam stream was insufficient and 
difficult of access ; and the foraging parties, sent to 
Bethlehem and Tekoa, were often cut off by the 
Saracens, who sallied southwards till they were 
invested on Sion, The cattle and horses died in great 
numbers, and a pestilence was caused by their un- 
buried corpses. At length the Genoese fleet reached 
Jaffa, and sent wood and artificers to aid the exhausted 
besiegers. Storming towers were made, and were 
covered with the hides of the dead beasts. After four 
weeks all was ready for the assault, and on July 12 
(the Feast of the Visitation) a solemn procession was 
made to the ruined church on the summit of Olivet, 
where Peter the Hermit and Arnold, the ambitious 
chaplain of Robert of Normandy, preached to the 
army. The first assault, on July 14, was repelled ; for 
the heavy towers stuck fast, and three witches, weaving 
spells on the ramparts, were believed to have succeeded, 
though they were slain, while an apparition of St. 
George, seen by Godfrey and his brother Eustace, 
failed to excite the valour of their men. But during 
the night Godfrey took down his tower, and moved it 
farther west to the postern of the Magdalen (now 
called " Herod's Gate") where the ditch was less deep. 
Here it was re-erected, and at 3 p.m. in the afternoon 
of Friday, July 15 (the Moslem day of rest), the bridge 


fell «n ibe rarojvan, ^»d c ^d i>n thr waII— 

•• - -^ ' ' : " the c\a; ...c. *> hy ihe 

- S'- ^'f Ci>uld Cl. - own, Asi 

KaJdxxan ciAsmod Ede«sjid A«d BiTTOund cUJm<Hi 

r 5^>e>TJc i>f CAnft3»^ t!olJt>\\^ when the §:4ie5i 

were opened, and the wild Friink^. NontiAnss and 

- . vH. h - " " n 

^. . ,, ;...^. -:cyof<.' ,......- 

w~a^d>^ of SUL^dm — i cvcuao McxsJeins w>ere ^Iaio in the 

in on a paxie^mcni 

- ...:v.. ... :, > .. c w^fTJi on tor sicwn 
da\^s, x'ain jM\>rai<;ed >.ecuruy to tui:iu\x"s 
in the Assa, tor ail wert* sJain by the lawles^s soldiers. 
Only ihose who i. k ■ - .: -.n the Towner of David 
were s;aved by R- _> oulouse. and sent with 
their families and baggaire to Ascalon, w^hich lon^ 

: :^st of :" ' : ns in Palestine. 

>: the <. — o L-inns w.\s so 

complete that no Moslem foe appeared before the walls 

of Jen: ^ " ;.ht years : and when 

began .- - -- -'le in 1178 A.r»., nine years 

before the fall of the kingdom, it w*as found that the 
ramparts had fallen into ruins through age, and they 
were hastily repjaired,^ The Frank rule in Palestine, 
from 1009 to 11S7 A.D.. was strong and prosperous, and 
gaps of many years occur in the chronicles, during 
which we read of no w*ars, e\*en on the frontiers, which 
were secured by a line of mighty castles. Notices of 
Jerusalem, in chronicles and legal documents and 
letters, thus refer mainly to gifts of land made to the 
churches and to the military orders, or to internal 
disputes between the regulars and the patriarchs. 

Godfrey, being elected, refused to take the title of 
king in a city where his Master had only worn a 
crown of thorns. Within a year he died of fever at 
' Will ol Tyre. xxL 23. 


the early age of forty on July 18, iioo, and was 
succeeded by his brother Baldwin, the first Latin 
king, who ruled successfully till 11 17 a.d.^ The third 
king was Baldwin II. (de Burg), a cousin of Godfrey, 
who married an Armenian princess. He was captive 
from May 30, 1123, to August 24, 11 24, at Harran, 
having been seized by Balak, nephew of El Ghazi, the 
lord of Mardin, and was only delivered after Balak 
had been slain by Jocelyn of Edessa. But this event 
did not affect Jerusalem. He left four half Armenian 
daughters, the eldest (Melisinda or Milicent) being a 
famous queen, married to Fulk of Anjou, under whom 
Palestine reached the summit of its prosperity as a 
Christian kingdom. Fulk- reigned from 1131 to 1144, 
and left two sons, of whom the elder, Baldwin III., 
was a gallant youth, long held in ward by his crowned 
mother Melisinda. She founded the Benedictine nun- 
nery at Bethany — of which the tower still dominates 
the hamlet — in 1147, and rebuilt the Church of the 
Virgin's Tomb in the last year of her life; for she 
died at Nablus on September 11, 1161, and was buried 
on the stairs leading down to the cave-chapel of this 
restored church. Her son survived her only five 
months, and died on February 10, 1162. He was 
succeeded by his gloomy brother Amaury, who 
weakened the kingdom by making war on Egypt. 
His son Baldwin IV. was only eleven when Amaury 
died in 1 173, and had already been found to be afflicted 
with leprosy. His reign was rendered miserable by 
the quarrels and intrigues of the decadent Latins, and 
he died in 1185, leaving no child. His elder sister 
Sibyl ' married William of Montferrat, and afterwards 
Guy of Lusignan, the unfortunate last king of 

' Rohricht, " Regesta," No. 85. 
- Ibid., Nos. 137, 225,226. 

' Her son, Baldwin V., died as a child a year after his uncle 
Baldwin IV. 


Jerusalem, whom Saladin defeated at Hattin on 
July 3, 1 1 87. The victorious sultan hastened to Jeru- 
salem, which thus after eight da^^s of siege fell again 
into Moslem hands, on Friday, October 2, 1187 a.d. 

The old French account, called the " Citez de 
Jherusalem," gives us a very full description of the 
Holy City " au jor que li Sarrazin et Salahadinz la 
conquistrent sur les Chrestienz " — in the " day when 
the Saracens and Saladin conquered it from the 
Christians " ; and, taken with other contemporary 
documents, and with the earlier accounts by Saewulf, 
John of Wurzburg, Theodorich, and several more, 
it enables us to recover the names of every main 
street, every gate and important building that existed 
in Jerusalem in the latter part of the twelfth century. 
Further information as to the churches of the Greeks 
within the town is also afforded by the accounts of 
the Russian abbot Daniel, and of the Greek pilgrim 
John Phocas. To the description of the city we may 
thus now turn. 

The pilgrim could enter the Bethlehem Gate (now 
called the Jaffa Gate) freely; for the grievous toll was 
taken off by Baldwin II., at the request of the Latin 
patriarch Guarmund.* He saw on his right the 
" Tower of David," or as it was called later the 
" Castle of the Pisans," and in the market square, to 
its east, he mingled with a crowd such as had never 
before been seen in the Holy Cit}^- Knights of four 
orders rode by on hardy Armenian or Cyprian steeds, 
clad in long hauberks of chain mail, with iron caps 
and shoes, and mail leggings, wielding the long 
Norman sword and the lance, their shields painted 
with simple blazons. Over the hauberk the Templars 
wore a long belted white dress with red cross, the 
Hospitallers wore black with a white eight-pointed 

1 ROhricht, "Regesta," No. 92, 1120 A.D. 
* "Latin Kingdom," pp. 175-80. 




I.iike of 


Oak Rogel 



I I I 


1 The Tetnplunt 

2 St. James 

3 The Golden Gale 

4 The School of the Virgin 

5 The Templar s Church 

6 „ ,, Stables 

7 St. Simeon 

8 Postern 

9 Chapel of the Mocking 

10 Bethesda 

11 Josaphat Gate 

12 Chapel of the Flagellation 

13 The Repose (Arch) 

14 St. Anne 

15 The Inner Pool 

16 The House of Herod 

p. 284 1 

jRetreat of 



Scale of Feet 



17 St. Mary Magdalene 

18 Postern 0/ the Mai^dalen 

19 St. Stephen's Gate 

20 The Lazarus Postern 

21 Chapel of the Spasm 

22 The Syrian Exchange 

23 //o/y Sepulchre Cathedral 

24 5/. Chariton 

25 S/. Mary Latin 

26 ,, ,, Magna 

27 S/. ./o/iM Baptist 

28 //f/i 5//YC/ 

29 T"//* Covered Street 

30 7"/><r Latin Exchange 

31 Poo/ 0/ /A« fla/As 

32 Bethlehem Gate 

P = Postern f, = ('.ate 

33 The Toiver 0/ David 

34 Chapel of the Three Maries 
33 St. James {Latin) 

36 St. Thomas 

37 67. James (Armenian) 

38 67. George (Greek) 

39 /"/if House of Annas 

40 6/. Thomas of the Gertnans 

41 7"Ai? German Hospice 
4a Bridge (Causeway) 

43 7"A? Postern of the Tannery 

44 /"/i* Si'oM Ga/« 

45 The House of Caiaphas 

46 The Ccrnaculuni 

47 7"/j« Tomb of Absalotn 

48 JA« Tomb of St. James 


cross, the Teutonic order white with black cross ; and 
the Knights of St. Lazarus — who tended the lepers at 
their hospital outside the city — had black and white 
robes with a green cross. The tall noble from 
Normandy was dressed in silk and miniver (the skin 
of the grey Siberian squirrel) ; he wore his hair and 
beard long under his furred cap. The tall, slim 
Norman ladies were robed in white samite and cloth- 
of-gold. The pages with them had slashed doublets 
of yellow and crimson. The men-at-arms wore the 
quilted gambison which, when steeped in vinegar, was 
said to resist iron weapons ; with them marched the 
Turcopoles — a mixed race, Turko-Greek, in origin — 
who made excellent light horsemen, not despised like 
the " Poulains," or half-bred Syro-Greeks, who had an 
evil reputation as extortionate inn-keepers andcowards. 
The Europeans were mainly Franks and Italians, with 
a smaller proportion of Germans, but you might also 
see Hungarians, Navarese, Bretons, Scots, Englishmen, 
Ruthenians, Bohemians, Greeks, and Bulgarians,^ 
mingling with the red-sashed Armenian in camlet cloth, 
the Georgian, the Nestorian, and the Syrian Christian, 
the Moslem Fellah and the Arab from the desert 
who were contented serfs, the scowling Mullah, the 
Egyptian in his; blue gown, the Persian and Hindu, 
with ruddy Maronites from Lebanon, and dark Copts 
from the Delta. All these were ruled, according to 
the feudal laws of the kingdom, in fiefs held by the 
Norman, Italian, Frank, and Provencal knights from 
Lorraine, Auvergne, Burgundy, Apulia, and Sicily. 
The peasant market was inspected by the mutahaseb 
or " accountant " ; the traders from Venice, Genoa, 
Pisa, Amalfi, and Marseilles had their privileges and 
agreements with the king. The Church established in 
the kingdom was that of Rome, and its rites and 
vestments were Latin. The Oriental bishops were 

^ John of WiJrzburg, xiii. and xxviii. 


only at most recognised as suffragans, and bitterly 
resented the dominance of the "intruding" hierarchy 
from the West. But they too were under the pro- 
tection of the king, like the Jewish dyer in his yellow 
turban, his hands stained blue with indigo, who still 
clung to his sacred city ; " two hundred," says Rabbi 
Benjamin of Tudela (in 1163 a.d.), "dwell in one 
corner of the city under the Tower of David." But 
there must have been others, for the north-east quarter 
(the ancient Bezetha) was called the "Juiverie" — a 
ghetto transferred later to the present Jews' quarter 
on the south-east.^ The Jews were both Sephardim 
from Spain and Africa and also probably Ashkenazim 
from Eastern Europe. They were ranked lower than 
the Moslems, but the nobles were often in debt to 
Jewish bankers. 

The new rulers brought with them a new and 
beautiful style of architecture from Italy and Sicily. 
It was distinguished by its lightness and its boldly 
carved ornamentation, with a finish to the hewn 
ashlar more perfect than any other. It was based on 
the Lombard Romanesque, but was influenced by 
Saracen art. The clustering pillars, groined roofs, 
and ribbed arches, the coupled dwarf columns, and 
even the " dog-tooth " moulding, of which a bold 
example remains in the west window of the cloister 
south of St. Mary Latin, had appeared earlier among 
Saracens, and — as we have seen — in some cases these 
were features of Arab art as early as the ninth cen- 
tury.^ Fine examples of this Italian-Norman style — 
which we find also at Palermo in 1185 a.d. — are still 
to be seen at the south entrance of the Holy Sepulchre 

' "Citez de Jh6rusalem," "e ces rues apeloit un la juerie"; see 
Rohricht (I130 A.D.), " Regesta," No. 133, "in parte Hierosolymonim 
quae specialiter Judaearia vocatur." 

* Count Rivoira, "Arch. Lomb.," 1908, p. 630, remarks: " Sospetto 
che gli artefici di Sicilia lo sfoggiassero direttamente per influenza 


Cathedral, or in the Hospital close by, in the Templar's 
porch added to the Aksa Mosque, as well as at Gaza, 
Ramleh, Nablus, Tortosa, and elsewhere in Palestine 
and in Syria. The arches at first were round, but 
after 1130 a.d. the pointed Saracenic arch was used. 
The general appearance was lighter than that of our 
Norman architecture in England: for the glories of the 
style wrongly called " Gothic " in France and Britain 
and Germany, developed (from this earlier art of 
Italians and Normans) in the fourteenth and fifteenth 
centuries. The " mason's marks," or lucky signs on 
the stones, which distinguish Norman work in Pales- 
tine, are the same that we find in French and English 
cathedrals, after the return of Templars and others to 
the West, when Acre fell in 1291, and the orders were 
expelled from Syria. 

From the Bethlehem Gate, David Street descended 
east, leaving on its left Patriarch Street (now called 
"Christian Street "), named from the Patriarch's house 
farther north ; and farther east there were three 
roofed streets to the left, which are the present 
bazaars : they were called " Herb Street," *' Covered 
Street," and " Malquisinat." ^ In the latter cooked 
food was sold to pilgrims. The groined and ribbed 
vaulting over the bazaar is Norman work here still 
standing, and the short Latin text, " Sea Anna," 
carved on a wall, shows that one of the shops once 
belonged to the Church of St. Anne. 

Beyond these cross streets, after a short sharp turn 
to the right, David Street became Temple Street, and 
ran to the "bridge" — Justinian's old causeway then 
rebuilt, leading to the "Beautiful Gate" of the Temple, 
now called the Gate of the Chain. The streets to the 
right, leading south, were — first, Sion Street, which 

' Apparently a lingua Franca term, Um7n-el- Kuzindt^ " mother of 
kitchens," otherwise Coquinati; " Citez de Jh6r.," and " Kegesta," 
No. 431. 


was the old pillared street, a continuation of the line of 
Herb Street, leading to the Sion Gate ; secondl}', the 
Street of Judas' Arch (where Judas hanged himself); 
and, thirdly, farther east, German Street, leading to 
the German (or Teutonic) Hospice in the east part of 
the upper city. Herb Street continued north as St. 
Stephen Street, passing east of the cathedral to the 
north gate ol St. Stephen. On the south side of the 
cathedral a street ran east from Patriarch Street to 
Herb Street, passing north of St. Mary Latin. This 
was called Palmers' Street, where the pilgrims bought 
palms. The parallel street north of the cathedral was 
the Street of the Holy Sepulchre. The name Via 
Dolorosa was as yet unknown, and the east part of 
this line was called "Street of the Repose" — from the 
legend of the Virgin's rest under the arch of Hadrian 
— leading to the Gate of Jehosaphat in the east wall of 
the city, and passing on its right the " Gate Dolorous," 
which was that of the Antonia citadel. The old street 
running south, on the west side of the Temple area, 
was that of the Tannery, leading to the gate now 
called (wrongly) the " Dung Gate," but then known 
as the " Postern of the Tanner}^" Besides these main 
streets, and that which led south past David's Tower 
to St. Sion, there were others called " Marshal's 
Street " (or that of St. Anastasia), Tresmailles, Gerard, 
and Cocatrice Street, the positions of which are not 
very clear.^ 

The main gates of the city ^ were four, including 
the Bethlehem Gate on the west, and the " Gate of 
St. Stephen of the Column " on the north, the latter 
bearing a name which shows that the pillar marked 
on the fifth-century mosaic map was still known : this 
gate is called "the Gate of the Pillar" to the present 

' Rohricht, " Regesta," No. 421. 

' See map (" Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., 1883, p. 383), 
"Jerusalem in 1187 a.d." 


day.' On the east was the " Gate of Jehosaphat," now 
called St. Stephen's Gate, and on the south the Sion 
Gate in its present position. Between these there 
were posterns, that of St. Lazarus being west of the 
north gate and no longer existing. It led to the 
Lepers' Hospital, close to the city outside. East of 
the north gate was the Postern of the Magdalen, so 
called from the church of the same name inside the 
walls in this quarter : it is now called " Herod's 
Gate," or by Moslems, Bab ez Zahirah (" Flower 
Gate"), a corruption of the old Bab es Sahrah, or 
" Gate of the Plateau," which in the fifteenth century 
was the title for the flat ground north of the city 
towards the east. The Golden Gate was closed, but 
to its south was a little postern in the east wall which 
still exists.* The fourth postern was that of the 
Tannery already mentioned. 

The walls of the city ran practically on the present 
line — Tancred's Tower ^ (now called " Goliath's 
Castle ") on the north-west being inside the Turkish 
line, while farther east the foundations of the 
Crusader's wall appear just outside the present one. 
They show that kind of rubble set in hard cement 
which was used in the twelfth century as the core of 
a wall, and which was faced with cut stones drafted 
with a bold rough boss. At the north gate Sir 
Charles Warren excavated the remains of the older 
entrance just outside the modern one, and concluded 
that it represented the work of Crusaders who used 
older materials ; a stone was found with a Templar's 
cross cut upon it, which belonged to this older wall.^ 
This is important, because the remains in question 
have been rashly assumed to be those of the "second 
wall " described by Josephus. 

' " Regesta," No. 421. 

' "Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., pp. 237-9. 

' Ibid., pp. 264-7, * Ibid., pp. 235-6. 



We have seen that, on the south, part of Sion was 
outside the city (as in 680 a.d. also), when the 
Crusaders beleaguered Jerusalem. Mr. Bliss,' how- 
ever, discovered a wall which, starting from that of 
Eudocia on Sion, was carried north on the east side 
of the hill to the present wall, thus enclosing the 
Coenaculum Church and the " House of Caiaphas." 
He supposes this to have been built by Frederic II. 
in 1229 A.D. There is no doubt that it is mediaeval 
work of the twelfth or thirteenth century, but it might 
be as late as 1243. A Norman moulding has been 
built in among the stones, and they have the 
characteristic diagonal dressing of Norman work. 
This wall is shown on the old map of 1308 a.d., and 
its ruins seem to have been still traceable in 1586, 
according to Zuallardo's picture. It may, however, 
have existed even in the twelfth century, for Theodorich 
clearly describes a "barbican," or fortified out-work, 
on Sion, added to the main wall, with a ditch and 
towers, which account answers well to the remains 
of this extra wall.^ 

The pilgrim naturally first went to visit the Holy 
Sepulchre. The fullest account of the cathedral, 
which was probably built in the time of Baldwin II. 
to include all the eleventh-century chapels described 
in the preceding chapter, is that of Theodorich. The 
main entrance was, as now, on the south, where the 
fine double gate, with two windows above, led into 
the church. Under the pointed arches, supported 
by clustered pillars, we still see the two carved 
lintels, one representing the entry into Jerusalem, 
the raising of Lazarus, and the Last Supper, to the 
left, and the other with a centaur and various figures 

' '' Excav. at Jer.," 1898, pp. 68-75, 336. 

' Zuallardo, " Devot. Viag.," p. 131; Theodorich {c. 1172 a.d.), 
"Viilluni quoque sive fossatura extrinsecum, muro appositum, et pro- 
piignacuhs atque minis munitiim existit, quod barbicanam vocant." 


surrounded by elaborate arabesques, being an alle- 
gorical subject, as explained by de Vogiie. The 
later pilgrim custom, which dates back to the fourteenth 
century, of carving names on these pillars, was 
probably not permitted in the twelfth centur3^ The 
later visitors used to sketch their coats-of-arms on 
the walls (as can still be seen at Bethlehem), but 
this was regarded as an objectionable practice by 
the better educated.' The courtyard in front of the 
gate, having on its west the three chapels built in 
1048, and on its east the Coptic and Armenian chapels, 
and that supposed to mark the site of Abraham's 
sacrifice, was entered through a screen, formed by 
arches on six pillars, of which only the bases now 
remain. It did not yet contain the tomb of Philip 
d'Aubigny (before the gate), over which so many 
feet have trodden, for he only died in 1236 a.d,^ The 
belfry tower was, however, built early in the twelfth 
century, and the domed Chapel of St. Mary of Egypt, 
with its large window and outside steps, is of the 
same age with the fagade of the cathedral. 

The cathedral included the old "Paradise" under 
its roof. A fine *' choir of canons " east of the 
rotunda occupied part of the site of Constantine's 
basilica. It had an apse to the east, and part of 
the rotunda wall was removed, and an arch, called 
" Arch of the Emperors," built to give free passage 
to this choir, which had a semi-circular walk behind 
the apse ; three apses, forming small chapels, were 
made in the outer wall of this walk, and the " pillar 
of derision" was shown, as it still is by Greeks, 

^ For coats-of-arms on pillars at Bethlehem see " Mem. West Pal. 
Survey," iii. p. 84. By an unfortunate error the graffiti which I copied 
on pillars of south door of the cathedral have been printed (together 
with a tombstone from the Hospital) in the wrong place (" Mem.," 
iii. p. 137); they include the names " Isaak," "David," "Anton Pico 
1636," and " Piero Vandam 1384." 

* Rev. J. Hamlet in Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, April 1887, p. 76. 


in the southern of the three apses close to Calvary : 
between this and the central apse the steps led down 
to the crypt, where the three crosses were said to 
have been found. This was now under the cloisters 
of the canons' houses, and a dome in the middle of 
these cloisters lighted the cave-chapel below. The 
groined roof of the choir still shows remains of fresco 
painting, representing the vine of David, which are 
probably ancient. 

The building over the sepulchre itself remained 
till 1808, and was very different in style from the 
neo-Byzantine chapel now standing.^ The often- 
copied picture by Zuallardo, taken with his description, 
shows that the building was pentagonal, the walls, 
adorned by ten pillars, forming five recessed panels 
under round arches. On the flat lead roof rose an 
open cupola, with clustered columns at the four 
corners, supporting a copper dome, which was first 
covered with silver, but in later years with gold.- 
According to Abbot Daniel, the silver statue of Christ 
was on this cupola. It was no doubt taken down 
by the Greeks after 1187 a.d., and it does not appear 
in Zuallardo's picture. The ante-chapel of the Angel, 
to the east, had also a flat roof, supported on groined 
arches, the stone on which the angel sat being shown 
in the centre. The whole building was Romanesque 
in style, and remarkable for its severe beauty. It 
was probably as old as 1048 a.d. There was an altar 
on the west side of the pentagon, surrounded by 
painted iron rails and reticulated screens of cypress 
wood, where now the Coptic altar stands within its iron 
grille. The dome of the rotunda above was funnel- 
shaped and open to the air, being also made of cypress 
wood. The rain thus fell on the sepulchre chapel, 

» Zuallardo, " Devot. Viag.," 1586, p. 207. 

2 John Pliocas (1185 a.d.) 5335 that the emperor Manuel (1143-80) 
adorned the Holy Sepulchre witli gold. 


and gutters on the roof carried it off below. On the 
inside there was an ancient fresco of the Resurrection. 

The high altar of the choir, on the east, had behind 
it the throne of the patriarch — according to the 
Greek and ancient Latin custom. Images of the 
Virgin, the Baptist, and the angel Gabriel stood 
under the arches which opened into the ambulatorium, 
or walk; and above the altar, on the ceiling, was 
the great picture of the exaltation of Adam : " Our 
Lord Jesus Christ Himself, bearing the cross in His 
left hand, holding Adam with His right, leading 
majestically to heaven with a giant's stride. His left 
foot raised, His right still planted on earth." ' Beneath 
this picture were verses in Latin. The rotunda had 
a gallery, with a door on the west leading to the 
palace.^ Godfrey and Baldwin L had lived in the Aksa 
Mosque, but after the establishment of the Templars 
the Latin kings held their court where the Greek 
patriarch now lives, west of the cathedral. An arch 
over Patriarch Street seems to have led to the gallery 
door (still visible, though now blocked up), and 
through a window the kings could look down on 
the sepulchre. The palace had many vaulted rooms, 
and a courtyard filled with orange trees and pome- 
granates. It could contain a household of an hundred 

The present groined roof of the Calvary Chapel, 
supported on heavy piers, is also probably Crusaders' 
work. Two pictures in this chapel represented the 
Crucifixion and the Descent from the Cross. The 
ante-chapel of Golgotha beneath (built in 1808) did 
not exist, nor apparently did the flights of steps now 
leading up on the west from the floor of the church. 
For, facing Calvary, the first two rulers of the Latin 

' Theodoricli. 

* Felix Fabri (c. 1480 a.d.), vol. i. pt. ii. p. 394, translation in the 
series of the "Pal. Pilgr. Texts Soc." 


kingdom were buried, and the monuments of their 
six successors were against the south wall of the 
choir. Godfrey's tomb was to the right, and that 
of his brother Baldwin I. to the left, in front of the 
Golgotha Cave. The former was marked by a plain 
block on which stood a stone roof or pediment, 
supported by four twisted dwarf pillars at the corners, 
according to Zuallardo's picture. It bore the simple 
Latin text, in " Lombard " letters, " Hie jacet inclitus 
Dux Godefridus de Bullion, qui totam istam terram 
acquisivit cultui divino. Cujus anima requiescat in 
pace. Amen." The tomb of Baldwin L was probably 
much like Godfrey's, with the inscription : 

Rex Balduinus, Judas alter Maccabseus 
Spes patriae : vigor ecclesiae : virtus utriusque 
Ouem formidabant, cui dona tributa ferebant 
Cedar, ^gypti, Dan, ac homicida Damascus 
Proh dolor, in modico clauditur hoc tumulo. 

These tombs apparently escaped the fury of the 
Kharezmians, and were only removed by the Greeks 
in 1808, but they were ransacked in 1244 a.d. There 
is some doubt as to the exact position of the six 
later tombs, but the description by Theodorich (about 
1 172 A.D.) seems to show that Baldwin H. lay im- 
mediately north of Baldwin L, in the same line with 
Godfrey, and the remaining five kings were to the 
west, in line with Baldwin H., in proper order, Fulk 
next to him, followed b}'' Baldwin IIL, Amaury, 
Baldwin IV., and Baldwin V., the latter being a child, 
and placed farthest from Calvary. Their graves are 
distinctly stated to have been "contiguous to the 
choir." The same writer says that the vaulted roof 
of Calvary was painted with representations of David, 
Solomon, Isaiah, and other prophets, and that the 
pilgrims laid wooden crosses on the rock, where 
the holes for the three crosses were shown (as now) ; 


these votive offerings were removed and burned in 
a great bonfire at Easter-time. 

The Easter ceremony of the Holy Eire is described 
by the Russian abbot Daniel in the reign of Bald- 
win I. On Good Friday the church was cleansed, 
and all the lamps put out and filled with fresh oil. 
Every candle in Jerusalem was extinguished, and on 
Easter Eve the rotunda was crowded with pilgrims 
holding unlighted tapers. The cathedral rang with 
their cry, " Lord, have mercy upon us," and the 
Syrians perhaps already sang as they still do : 

" The eve of fire's our feast-day ; 
This is the tomb of the Saviour. 
O thou Jew, O thou Jew, 
A feast of apes is the feast for you." 

The abbot of St. Saba stood before the sepulchre, 
while services in Greek and in Latin went on. The 
Fire was sometimes delayed three days, or appeared 
in the Temple or in the Hospital. It was believed 
to fall from heaven through the open roof. On the 
occasion described a fine rain was falling on the 
densely packed crowd round the tomb. They sang 
the Song of Moses, and at length " a small cloud 
coming suddenly from the East rested over the open 
dome of the church. ... It was at that moment that 
the Holy Light illuminated the Holy Sepulchre, 
shining with an awful and splendid brightness. The 
bishop and four deacons then opened the doors of 
the tomb, and entered with the taper of Prince 

The canons of the Holy Sepulchre were of the 
Augustinian order. They received from Godfrey 
twenty-one villages lying near Jerusalem on the 
north in the royal domain, but other kings and barons 
added many other lands " for the saving of their 
souls" till they numbered seventy "casales" in all, 
besides fishing rights ' on the Sea of Galilee, and 


churches at Bari, Brindisi, and in Sicily.^ Five of 
the villages were in Lower Galilee, and all the other 
Palestine property of this church was lost for ever 
in 1 187 A.D. 

South of the cathedral was the large block of 
buildings belonging to the Knights of St. John. It 
occupied an area of 500 feet side, or nearly 55 acres. 
It was bounded by Patriarch Street on the west, 
Herb Street on the east, Palmer Street on the 
north, and David Street on the south, while a narrow 
lane (in which the Latin goldsmiths had shops) ran 
north and south in the middle of the area. The east 
half was excavated by the German Government in 
1872, and the west half by the Greek patriarch some 
thirty years later. Thus the whole of the remaining 
buildings are now visible. In the north wall the fine 
Norman gateway, with an arch carved with the signs 
of the twelve months, still remains, and in the north- 
east corner is the Church of St. Mary Latin, now 
rebuilt and consecrated as the German cathedral. 
Under its foundations, rock was found at a level 
60 feet lower than that of the Calvary rock, showing 
how steeply the north bank of the Tyropoeon Valley 
here falls south. The cloisters of the Benedictine 
monastery, with their fine west window, are to the 
south of this church, and in the south-east part of 
the area was the Benedictine nunnery, under which 
is a great tank, the rock floor in the bed of the valley 
being more than 70 feet lower than Calvary. In the 
west half of the area the remains of a larger church — 
St. Mar}^ Magna — exist, with buildings belonging to 
the Hospital proper. The Chapel of St. John Baptist^ 
is in the south-west part of the block, close to Patriarch 

1 "Regesta," Nos. 142, 189, etc. 

* Pal. Expl. Fund Qiiarierly, Jan. 1899, p. 43, Jan. 1902, pp. 42- 
56; Robinson, "Later Bib. Res.," 1S52, p. 184, quoting Tobler, who 
examined this church in 1840. 


Street and David Street. It is a basilica, with a 
narthex on the west, an apse on the east, and two 
other apses facing north and south respectively. The 
stone altar is still in situ, and the building forms the 
crypt of the later Greek church of St. John the Fore- 
runner. The floor of this chapel of the knights is 
on the same level as that of the cathedral, and 10 feet 
above the rock; but the rubbish of later demolitions 
has now raised the street 25 feet higher, and the 
mediaeval buildings were, till recently, quite covered 
over above their roofs. 

Such was the home of the most popular of the 
military orders.' It was first supported by tithes 
granted by the Church in the diocese of Caesarea, 
in Tripoli, Nazareth, and Acre. Baldwin I., in 11 10, 
made a large grant of lands, and the master owned 
villages in the plains, and bought property in Nablus. 
The knights were even given " tents of Beduins " by 
Baldwin III., and one of the results of the distribution 
of their lands was, that while the canons of the 
Holy Sepulchre lost all their villages in the moun- 
tains, the Hospitallers retained their property in the 
plains for nearly another century, and were not 
greatly concerned in imperilling this, in 1192, for the 
recovery of the Holy City by the Church. Even as 
early as 1155 they were at feud with the patriarch, 
and rang all their bells to annoy him when he preached 
in the cathedral. 

Near the hospital were the two exchanges : that 
of the Latins (called Khan es Serf — " inn of ex- 
change " — by Mejir ed Din in the sixteenth century) 
at the turn where David Street joined Temple Street ; 
and that of the Syrians (now Khan ez Zeit, " the oil 
inn"), east of the Street of St. Stephen.'^ Other 
churches in the north part of the city included St. 

1 See "Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem," pp. 203-7. 
* Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, Jan. 1897, p. 29. 


Chariton, north of the cathedral, the Chapel of the 
Spasm farther east, with St. Mar}' Magdalen and 
St. Anne in the Jews' quarter. All these still remain, 
showing Norman origin by their style. The tank 
west of St. Anne, in which traces of frescoes on the 
walls are still visible, was, as already said, shown 
as the Pool of Bethesda. The Chapel of the Flagella- 
tion, opposite Antonia, already existed, and a Chapel 
of St. Gilles was at the causeway near the " Beautiful 
Gate " of the Temple. 

The order of the Templars ' grew out of the 
Augustinians. The canons of this order were 
established in the Temple by Godfrey ; and in the 
reign of Baldwin II., in 1118 a.d., eight Burgundian 
knights, under Hugh de Payen, vowed to poverty, 
obedience, and chastity as tonsured monks, were 
established in the Aksa Mosque as their hospice. 
A rule was given them by Pope Honorius in 11 28. 
The Templars were the richest and proudest of the 
four orders, and it is curious that they were always 
unpopular, and constantly suspected of treachery. 
They seem to have been willing to establish good 
relations with Moslems in time of peace, and to 
have studied Oriental philosophy; and for such 
reasons, as also because they were independent of 
the patriarch, they were coldly regarded by the 
Church. Their records were destroyed when the 
order was suppressed in 13 12 a.d., but their posses- 
sions in Europe were yet more numerous than in 
Palestine or Syria. They held castles near the 
coast, and escorted pilgrims. They had also a 
castle on the Jericho road, and built 'Athlit under 
Carmel in 12 18, or seventy-three 3'ears before the 
fall of Acre. They acted as bankers, and they 
were given, or bought, many properties in the later 

' See "Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem," pp. 202-3; " Regesta," Nos. 
347, 447, 462, 568, 572, 630. 


times when the barons of Palestine and Syria were 
eager to get rid of their lands. 

The Templars carried out considerable works in 
the Haram area. They added a Norman porch to 
the Aksa Mosque, and a refectory, on the west of 
that building which was converted into a church 
with three apses on the east ; and a long hall south 
of them was perhaps the vestry, with windows on 
the south Haram wall, and pillars with braided 
shafts and elaborate capitals. John of Wurzburg, 
about 1 160 A. D., says that "the new and large church 
is not yet finished." Their hospice was called "the 
Palace of Solomon," and the same writer says, " There 
is the wonderful stable, of such size as to be able to 
hold two thousand horses, or five hundred camels." 
He evidently means the vaults now called " Solomon's 
Stables," near the south-east part of the Haram, for 
he says, " Near the Templar buildings, on the city 
wall, was the house of Simeon the Just. ... In this 
house [converted into a church] blessed Simeon lies 
buried. In the same church, in the crypt below, . . . 
is the wooden Cradle of Christ." The crypt in 
question still exists at the south-east angle of the 
Haram, and a cradle (a Roman statue niche) is still 
shown. The stables were formed by setting on 
end the great Herodian stones (drafted on one side) 
which formed stout piers with barrel vaults for 
roof. The holes made for the halters of the horses 
can still be seen, and the so-called " Single Gate," in 
the south wall east of the Triple Gate, now walled 
up, shows its late date by its pointed arch. This 
was one entry to the Templars' stables, and a larger 
one was made by altering the Triple Gateway itself, 
at the west end of the vaults. Theodorich says that 
the stables would hold ten thousand horses, and 
that the Templar Hospice included " gardens, halls, 
vestibules, consistories, rain-water tanks, splendid 


cisterns hewn beneath, baths, barns, granaries, wood- 
houses, . . . and on the west the new house of the 
Templars with cells and refectories. . . . The roof, 
contrary to the custom of the country, has a high- 
pitched ridge." There was a garden near the Chapel 
of the Cradle, and the city wall outside the Aksa 
formed an "out-work" as it does now. The church 
itself had a dome — probably the Arab dome of the 

The Dome of the Rock was not altered, but the 
octagonal wall was painted inside in fresco ; and 
remains of this work were still visible when the 
marble facing was removed in part in 1873. The 
holy rock was covered with marble flags, and an 
altar erected on it. The footprint of Muhammad 
was shown as that of Christ. Ibn el Athir, writing 
of 1 1 87, says that Saladin ordered this marble pave- 
ment to be removed. He also covered up the 
frescoes, which represented Jacob's Vision at Bethel 
and the Presentation in the Temple, with Latin 
verses inscribed beneath or around. The beautiful 
grille of French hammered iron-work, with lily 
heads between the spikes, was also now" carried 
round the circle of the drum, between the piers and 
pillars. The cave under the rock was called " Con- 
fessio," and was said to be the place where our 
Lord met the woman taken in adultery. It still 
contains a Norman altar with twisted pillars. Above 
this was an image of Christ, and a picture of Zacharias 
and the Angel. ^ The Templar churches in Europe 
were built round or polygonal in imitation of the 
Templum Domini, or " Temple of the Lord," which 
was the new name for the Dome of the Rock now 
surmounted by a cross. The " Cloisters of the 
Canons " (now removed) appear to have occupied 

' John of Wiirzburg ; Theodorich ; Ibn el Athir, quoted by Gu}- le 
Strange, "Pal. under the Moslems," i8go, p. 134, 


the north part of the phuform. The Dome of the 
Chain was called the " Chapel of St. James," and 
the "Dome of the Roll" became the "School of the 
Virgin " ; for the legends of the apocryphal gospels 
created several new sites in the Haram. Another 
image of Christ also stood over the porch of the west 
door, built, in 831 a.d., by El Mamun. 

The upper city and the environs of Jerusalem 
remain to be described as they were in the latter part 
of the twelfth century. The Hospice of St. Mary of 
the Germans stood on the east side of German Street, 
just about where Agrippa's palace had been, in the 
north-east corner of the upper city. The Chapel of 
St. Thomas of the Germans was probably the small 
one to be found in a Jew's house west of the same 
street. I explored these sites in 1881, and found 
remains of a large mediaeval building ^ which was 
newly built about 1160 a.d., according to John of 
Wiirzburg, who complains that before that date " no 
part of the city even in the smallest street had been 
given to the Germans," and that the "new" St. Mary of 
the Germans " received hardly any benefactions from 
other nations." The constant struggle between the 
emperor and the Pope discouraged German colonisa- 
tion ; for the kings of Jerusalem were vassals of the 
Pope alone. The Teutonic order was at first only 
a branch of that of the Hospital, and it is not known 
when they became independent.^ On December 9, 
1 143, Celestin H. — who was Pope for only six months 
— wrote to Raymund the master of the Hospital of 
St. John as to " the new Hospital for Germans in 
Jerusalem," placing it under him and all future 
masters, but directing that the prior and attendants 
should be of Teutonic race. The order did not 

' " Mem. VV'est Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., 1883, p. 272. 
^ Rohricht, " Kegesta," No. 214 note, p. 55. The German hospice is 
noticed in 1 173 (No. 496) and 1177 (No. 548). 


become important till 1229, when the knights took 
the side of Frederic 11. against the commands of Pope 
Gregory IX. ; and they had little property of their 
own till John of Brienne (in 1220) gave them lands 
in Galilee. But there were Germans in Jerusalem 
of the sub-order before the city fell to Saladin, as 
will appear immediately. 

To the left (or west) of the Street of Judas' Arch 
was St. Martin. This may have been where the 
name " House of the Holy Ghost " still applies to 
a Jewish house, as it is noticed next to " St. Peter 
of the Chains," which was the name then given to 
the House of Annas near the Sion Gate — now the 
Armenian nunnery, or " Convent of the Olive Tree," 
as already noticed ^ with St. Thomas, at the Syrian 
monastery, which has a fine Norman gateway on the 
north side. St. James the Less — east of the present 
Protestant Church — is also of this age. St. George, 
north of the House of Annas, now belongs to the 
Greeks, and apparently belonged to them in 1 167 a.d,^ 
The " Church of the Three Maries " also still exists, 
east of David's Tower, as does St. Mark north of 
St. George. In the barbican were the House of 
Caiaphas (or St. Saviour) and the Ccenaculum (now 
Nebi Daiid\ which latter was a large church built 
on the site of the ancient St. Sion. The upper 
storey was the supposed site of the " upper chamber " 
of the Last Supper, and in the lower storey, or crypt, 
the Holy Ghost was believed to have descended on 
the Apostles at Pentecost. The home of St. John, 
where the Virgin died, was just south of the House 
of Caiaphas. 

The Latin descriptions never mention the churches 

• See back, p. 15 ; Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly y Jul}' 1895, p. 251. 

" " Regesta,'' No. 461. Besides this, and the Coptic St. George 
north-west of Hezekiah's Pool, there was another St. George north- 
west of the cathedral, north of the Greek Convent of St. Demetrius 
(Hcrr Schick, Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly ^ July 1900, p. 253). 

ST. JAMES 303 

of the Greeks, Syrians, Georgians, Armenians, or 
Copts in the Holy City. The Latins had appropriated 
all the principal holy places. The abbot Daniel 
speaks of a monastery of St. Saba, apparently near 
the Tower of David; and John Phocas (in 1185 a.d.) 
mentions the Georgian hermits who lived in the 
tombs and caves on the east side of the Kidron Valley. 
The crosses that these and other recluses ^ cut on 
the walls can still be seen. The large Armenian 
Church of St. James on Sion probably existed in the 
twelfth century. The interior is now cased with 
porcelain tiles, and the floor is covered with fine 
carpets. The shrine on the north, supposed to 
contain the head of James the Less, is adorned with 
tortoise-shell, and in the great hall to the south is 
a remarkable fresco which may be of the twelfth or 
thirteenth century, representing Hell (as was then 
customary) as a monster with a huge mouth, into 
which naked souls are driven by the pitchforks of 

We hear very little about the water-supply of the 
city, except that there were large tanks in the Haram. 
The " Lake of Baths," mentioned in 1137,^ is probably 
the present " Patriarch's Bath," or Pool of Hezekiah, 
and the Piscina Interior— or supposed Bethesda — 
near St. Anne has been already mentioned. Outside 
the city the Mamilla Pool was called the Lake of St. 
Egerius ; and, about 1172, the Germans (that is to 
say, probably the Teutonic Order) constructed the 
present Birket es Sultan under the west wall of 
the upper city.^ It was for " the common use of the 

^ Such as Eugenius, Elpidius, and Euphratas, mentioned in a 
mosaic text as " hermits " on the Mount ol" Olives. Pal. Expl, Fund 
Quarterly, Jan. 1895. 

* •' Regesta," No. 170. 

' Ibid., Nos. 543 (Lacus Legerii) ; 504, 537 (L. Germani), " The 
new cistern " (John of Wiirzburg), also noticed in the " Citez de 


town," and was called the German Lake. On the 
old map of 1308 these two reservoirs already bear 
the titles " Upper " and " Lower Gihon." The Well 
of Job, as already explained/ was reopened in 1184 
by the Franks. ^Pilate's aqueduct does not appear 
to be ever mentioned. 

It is necessary to distinguish Queen Melisinda's 
nunnery of St. Lazarus, founded in 1147, at Bethany, 
from another St. Lazarus — the Lepers' Hospital, 
served by the Order of St. Lazarus — which was 
established outside the north wall, near the postern 
of the same name. No traces of this building are 
known as yet to exist. It is mentioned as early as 
1 130 A.D., and in 1144 Baldwin III. — whose nephew 
was a leper — confirmed the grant of a vineyard made 
by King Fulk to " the lepers of St. Lazarus." In 11 50 
he gave another to the same establishment, " situated 
on the plains of Bethlehem " ; and Humphrey of Toron 
settled upon it thirty bezants annually, from the tithes 
of Toron, in the next year. It existed down to 11 86, 
and it is always described as being " near," or even 
" touching," the wall." East of this, but still west of 
the great north road, was the old Church of St. 
Stephen, founded by Eudocia ; and under the cliff 
of " Jeremiah's Grotto " was the Templars' Hospice 
already noticed. The chapel north of the cliff, though 
evidently Norman work, does not appear to be ever 
mentioned. I have described the fresco of Christ and 
the twelve Apostles which it contained.^ Many 
Crusaders' tombs occur on this side of the city, 
especially east of the Gate of St. Stephen, and near 

' See back, p. 43. 

» " Regesta," Nos. 136, 227, 259, 266, 397, 487, 628, 656. The convent 
is noticed as endowed by King Amaury in 1155 (Nos. 284, 303, 308) 
before his accession : see Nos. 327, 338. 

' See back, p. 155; "Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., pp. 


the Postern of the Magdalen.' Outside the gate, 
south of the Templars' Hospice, there was also an 
important cemetery, about 500 feet from the wall and 
east of the main road.- It was evidently for laymen, 
because the bodies are laid with the head to the west, 
whereas priests were buried with head to the east. 
Thus at the resurrection the congregation was sup- 
posed to stand up facing the clergy, who accompanied 
the hosts of heaven. Under a pavement at this site 
were found lamps, crosses, and coins, and on the flag- 
stones were coins of Justinian, Maurice, Justin, and 
Justinian H., with a fine pectoral cross having an 
evangelist represented on each arm. These remains 
bring us down to the seventh century, but above them 
were found Saracen coins, and others of the Latin 
kingdom. This graveyard may have belonged to the 
Church of St. Stephen, like the tomb farther west 
(about 120 yards from the wall) which I described in 
1 88 1 . A very remarkable mosaic pavement also occurs, 
some 700 feet north-west of the same Gate of St. 
Stephen, and may have belonged to the church. In 
design it so closely resembles pictures in the Roman 
catacombs that it might be supposed to be as old as 
the third or fourth century. It represents an Orpheus 
harping to beasts, with figures of a satyr and a centaur. 
But two smaller figures of Theodosia and Georgia are 
introduced, with their names, and are clearly Byzan- 
tine in style. The property of the Church of St. 
Stephen (according to a deed dated 1163 a.d.) adjoined 
that of the Hospital — probably to its west — and, as 
we have seen, had the Templar Hospice to its east.^ 
Another tomb close by ^ is inscribed in Greek with 

* " Mem. West Pal. Survey," Jerusalem vol., pp. 297-301 ; Pal. Expl. 
Fund Quarterly , April 1902, p. 120. 

* "Mem. West Pal. Sun-ey," Jerusalem vol., p. 385; Pal. Expl. 
Fund Quarterly, April 1897, p. 105, Oct. 1902, p. 404. 

* Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, July 1901, p. 233 ; "Regesta," No. 391. 

* Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly, 1890, pp. 158, 306. 



words from the first verse of the 91st Psalm, accord- 
ing to the Septuagint version : " He that dwelleth in 
the help of the Most High." 

Leaving this group of buildings north of the wall, 
we may now pass east to the Church of the Virgin's 
Tomb," or " Our Lady of Josaphat," as it was called 
in the twelfth century, close to Gethsemane. The 
fine Norman arch of its facade, on the south side, 
is that of the church as restored by Queen Melisinda 
in 1 161 A.D.^ This church, wherein she was buried 
the same year, was perhaps the most richly endowed 
of any except the cathedral. A bull of Pope Alex- 
ander IV., dated January 30, 1255, recapitulates the 
names of forty-eight villages belonging to St. Mary of 
Jehosaphat, and the church had lands also in Calabria, 
Apulia, and Sicily, on which to rely when all the 
Palestine revenues ceased. It was, however, deserted 
in 1254 A.D., and lapsed once more into the power of 
the Greek patriarch. John of Wurzburg states that 
the cave chapel, at the bottom of the steps, was 
adorned by a cenotaph of the Virgin, having beautiful 
marble casing, a many-coloured picture, and a dome 
above it covered with silver and gold, and Latin 
verses. An image of St. Basil stood to the right of 
the entrance, with other verses in honour of Mar}-. 

The history of the Church of the Ascension is less 
easily followed.^ The abbot Daniel, about 1106 a.d., 
found only a small church here, but says that it had 
formerl}' been a large one. Probably a chapel was 
erected after the destruction of the seventh-century 
church in loio a.d., but this was afterwards replaced 
by a " large church," according to John of Wurzburg, 
having a dome open to the sky in the middle, like the 
rotunda of the Holy Sepulchre, and like the old 

' "Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem," pp. 194, 195, 404. 
^ "Mem. West Pal. Sun'ey," Jerusalem vol., pp. 398, 399; Pal. 
Expl. Fund Quarterly, Oct. 1896, p. 311. 


Church of Ascension described in 680 a.d., which 
replaced the original basilica of Constantine. The 
existing remains of Norman pillars in the irregular 
boundary wall show that the site was surrounded 
by a circular building 95 feet in diameter. Probably 
in plan it was not unlike the Dome of the Rock, 
but this mediaeval church has been entirely destroyed. 
The little domed building in the centre, covering the 
footprint of Christ, was erected in 1617 by the 
Moslems, who still are in possession, and was restored 
in 1834. A minaret not more than three centuries old 
rises on the west side of the enclosure, and beneath 
is the Cave of St. Pelagia, also now in the hands of 
the Moslems. The church itself belonged to the 
Augustinian order. 

Our pilgrimage round mediaeval Jerusalem thus 
ends at the appropriate site of Chaudemar (Aceldama), 
where the powdered dust of the bones of countless 
pilgrims still covers the floor of the great pit, on the 
south precipice of Hinnom. The rock fosse measured 
30 feet by 20 feet, and the vaulted roof, supported 
on two stout piers of masonry — drafted and with 
rustic bosses — is 34 feet above the floor. The rock 
to the west is carved with endless rows of crosses. 
Zuallardo, in 1586, pictures this building as covered 
with four small domes which do not now exist. 
As early as 1143, William, patriarch of Jerusalem, 
took charge of the " church in the field Acheldamach, 
where the bodies of pilgrims are buried, with all the 
land of the field, granted facing it by ancient Syrians." ' 
It continued to be used for pilgrim burials even two 
centuries later. 

Such was the Holy City in the day when Saladin 
won it from the Christians, and destroyed the Latin 
kingdom of Jerusalem. 

' " Regesta," No. 215. 



There is no more charming character in Moslem 
history than Saladin, the brave and generous sultan 
who settled the Eastern question with Richard Lion- 
heart of England, and whose life was lovingly written 
by his faithful follower Beha-ed-Din, the kadi of 
Jerusalem.' Saldh-ed-D'm Yfisef cl Aiyiibi, " the bene- 
factor of the Faith, Joseph, son of Job," was born in 
1 137, and was therefore about fifty years old when 
he took the Holy City. His father, Aiyub, son of 
Shadi, was a Kurd in the service of the Atabek 
dynasty, being first governor of Tekrit and after- 
wards of Ba'albek. Nur-ed-Din of Damascus sent 
Shirkoh, Saladin's uncle, to assist Egypt in 1163, and 
Saladin accompanied him. A series of remarkable 
events placed him at the head of Islam in 1174A.D. ; 
for his uncle died in 1169, and was followed by the 
Fatemite khalifah El 'Adid, and by Nur-ed-Din him- 
self,- whose widow Saladin married. Thus, at a time 
when Europe was torn by the great quarrel between 
the emperor Frederick Barbarossa and Pope Alex- 
ander III., Islam was at length united under Saladin 
as the protector of the 'Abbaside khalifah. 

The raids which Saladin made on the Latin kingdom 
met at first with little success. He was defeated at 

1 Schultens's edition, 1735, in Arabic and Latin, was used by me in 
annotating the English translation for Pal. Pil. Texts Society in 1897. 

» Shirkoh died early in Jan., 1169 ; El 'Adid, Sept. 13, 1171 ; and 
NGr-ed-Din on May 15, 1174. 



Gezer in 1177, and his incursions to Jezreel in 1183 
and to Nablus in 1 184 had no permanent effect, nor was 
he able to take the strong fortress of Keralv, east of 
the Dead Sea. He was involved in a struggle with 
the Atabeks at Mosul, and not until he had signed 
peace with them, on March 3, ii86, was he free to 
turn his whole force against the Franks. They werr^ 
well aware of his intentions, ind early in the following 
year King Guy summoned his feudatories to assemble 
at the great springs a mile west of Sepphoris in 
Lower Galilee. In March, Renaud of Chatillon broke 
the truce by capturing a Moslem caravan from 
Mekkah, and leading his prisoners to Kerak. Saladin 
marched against him, and meantime an advanced 
guard of his army, under his son Melek el Afdal, 
raided the neighbourhood of Nazareth, On May i 
they encountered near Kefr Kenna the masters of 
the Temple and Hospital, who had only an hundred 
and forty knights with them. The knights were 
defeated, and the master of the Hospital with the 
marshal of the Temple Order were slain. Saladin 
at once joined his son, and 50,000 fighting men 
gathered at the Fountain of Sepphoris to oppose 
him. The fatal battle of Hattin was lost by King 
Guy through a strategical mistake. He was warned 
by Raymond of Tripoli not to advance, because there 
was no water on the route. But the Templars were 
burning with rage at their recent defeat, and the master 
over-persuaded the king to attack the position which 
Saladin held covering the springs on the plateau west 
of Tiberias. The Christians perished from heat and 
thirst ; and, excepting Raymond of Tripoli and Balian 
of Ibelin, who cut their way out, all the Frank leaders 
were taken prisoners. They were all well treated 
except Renaud, whom Saladin slew, as the cause of 
the war and the most dangerous of the enemies of 
Islam. Like Titus, he also considered that priests 


must die when conquered, and he therefore com- 
manded the execution of all the Templars (except 
the master) and the Hospitallers. Thus two hundred 
of the most dreaded defenders of the Latin kingdom, 
all the surviving knights of both orders, were be- 
headed as being under religious vows. 

So rapid were Saladin's marches after this victory 
that all Palestine and Syria — except the seaboard 
cities of Tyre and Tripoli, and the northern capital of 
Antioch — fell into his hands before any help could 
come from Europe.^ 

On December 20, 1187, the Moslems appeared on 
the west side of Jerusalem, but the sultan afterwards 
shifted his camp to the north. We have two accounts 
of the siege, one by Bernard the Treasurer, the other 
by Beha-ed-Din. Balian of Ibelin had thrown himself 
into the city, where he found not a single knight. 
He made fifty new ones, and stripped off the silver 
ornaments of the Holy Sepulchre, coining them to 
pay his troops. Saladin offered terms, which were 
refused. The chronicler records an extraordinary 
incident, which casts a strange light on the super- 
stitions of the age. " The ladies of Jerusalem took 
cauldrons, and placed them before Mount Calvary, 
and having filled them with cold water, put their 
daughters in them up to the neck, and cut off their 
tresses and threw them away."^ This hair-offering 
to an offended Deity was a survival of that ancient 
sacrifice of the first-born which, among Canaanites 
and Phoenicians, was common in seasons of dire 
distress, as when the king of Moab slew his son on 
the wall. On the eighth da}' of the siege Saladin 
camped opposite St. Stephen's Gate, and thus 
attacked the north wall of the cit}^ with mangonels 
and mines. A breach was effected at the north-east 

' See "Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem," pp. 146-60. 

' Quoted in Besant and Palmer's "Jerusalem," 1871, p. 356. 


angle of the rampart, but the storming party was 
repulsed, and at length Balian yielded, and Saladin 
was only too willing to grant favourable terms. The 
cit}^ was full of starving women and children, and of 
priests who made processions in vain. On Friday, 
October 2 — the day on which Muhammad was be- 
lieved to have ascended to heaven — Jerusalem was 
given up, and all the lives of the inhabitants were 
spared. They numbered 7,000 men, besides women 
and children — probably at least 30,000 in all. The 
ransom agreed upon is variously stated ^ at 30 and 
at 70 shillings for each man, payable within 50 days. 
Meanwhile, all gates were closed except that on 
the west, where Saracens were admitted to buy what 
Christians wished to sell. Balian and the patriarch 
seized the treasure of the Hospital to pay the ransom 
of the poor; but, as this did not suffice, Seif-ed-Din 
(Saladin's brother) begged for 1,000 captives, who 
would remain as slaves, and released them all. 
Saladin gave 700 others as a present to the patriarch, 
and 500 to Balian; the remainder of the poor he 
allowed to depart by the Postern of St. Lazarus 
without payment. He restored many prisoners to 
their wives, and " gave largely, from his own private 
purse, to all the ladies and noble maidens, so that 
they gave thanks to God for the honour and wealth 
that Saladin bestowed upon them." This is the 
statement of the Christian chronicler. The Moslem 
account says that — after the ancient manner of Arab 
princes — the sultan bestowed all the treasure he 
received, amounting to over ;^ioo,ooo, on his emirs 
and soldiers, and on the 'Ulema, and dervishes who 
accompanied the army, keeping nothing for himself. 

The Christian account makes it about 4J bezants (30 shillings) 
and the Moslem account 10 dinars (70 shillings) for a man. Tliey 
agree that two women or ten children paid the same as one man. 
Perhaps the 30 shillings was the ransom for a poor man, and 70 
shillings for the rich. 


The Christians were safely escorted to Tyre, and 3,000 
Moslems who were captives in the city were set free. 

The first act of Saladin, entering the city on Friday 
— the Moslem day of rest — was to attend public 
prayer in the Aksa Mosque, and to hear a sermon 
from the khatib. He caused the great cross above 
the Dome of the Rock to be pulled down, and after- 
wards removed the altar and the marble flagstones 
from the Sakhrah, with the images of Christ already 
described. He caused a beautiful mimbar, or pulpit of 
wood inlaid with ebon}^ and ivory, to be brought from 
Aleppo. It still stands in the Aksa Mosque, with an 
inscription giving the name of Nur-ed-Din, and a 
date answering to 1168 a.d. The mihrab, or prayer 
recess, was found covered over by a wall in the 
Templar Church, and was now again brought to light 
and cased with marble. The frescoes in the Dome of 
the Rock were effaced, and covered also with marble 
veneering on the inside of the outer wall. According 
to a later account, the Haram was not only swept and 
purified, but was even washed with rose-water. Two 
extant inscriptions refer to Saladin's restorations, and, 
being very characteristic of Moslem style, may be here 
given. The first ^ is over the chief mihrab of the Aksa 
Mosque, dating from 1188 a.d. : " In the name of God 
merciful and pitying. Has ordered the repair of this 
holy mihrab, and the restoration of the Aksa Mosque — 
piously founded — the servant of God, and His regent, 
Yusef, son of Aiyub, the father of victory, the con- 
quering king, Salah-ed-dunya-wa-ed-Din [benefactor 
of the world and of the faith], after God had conquered 
by his hand during the [seventh] month of the year 
583. And he asks God to inspire him with thank- 
fulness for this favour, and to make him a partaker 
of pardon through His mercy and forgiveness." 

The other text, two years later, ^ is on the tiles 
1 De Vogiie, "Temple de Jerusalem," p. 101. ' Ibid., pp. 91, 92. 


inside the drum of the Dome of the Rock : " In the 
name of God merciful and pitying. Has commanded 
the renewal of the gilding of this noble dome our lord 
the sultan, the conquering king, the wise, the just, 
Salah-ed-Din Yusef. In the name of God the merciful 
the pitying ... in the latter third of the month Rejeb,' 
in the year 585, by the hand of God's poor servant 
Salah-ed-Din Yusef, son of Aiyub, son of Shadi, may 
God enfold him in His mercy." 

The disappearance of the Franks was regarded with 
satisfaction by the Eastern Churches : for Saladin 
followed the commands of the prophet in tolerating 
their presence ; and the sites of which they had been 
robbed by the Latins fell again into their power. It 
is said that St. Anne was now converted into a 
college for 'Ulema (or learned men), of the Shaf'ii 
sect of orthodox Moslems, and it remained in their 
hands until 1856, when the site was given to the 
emperor Napoleon III., who caused the church to be 
rebuilt, in Norman style, a few years later. The 
Church of St. Chariton, north of the Holy Sepulchre, 
was also taken and (according to Mejir ed Din) was 
endowed by Saladin as a khanl^ah or " cloister." 
Yakut (in 1225) says that it was the place of prayer 
of the Kerrami sect.- It still bears the name of 
" Saladin's Cloister," and remains in Moslem posses- 
sion, being on the south side of the old *' Street of the 
Sepulchre," north of the Latin Chapel of the Appari- 
tion, not far from the corner where the street crosses 
the north end of Patriarch Street. But the great 
churches remained undisturbed ; and such was the 
bitterness of feeling against the Latin hierarch}^ that 
the Armenian Catholicus of Ani wrote to Saladin to 
report the advance of Frederick Barbarossa, while 

' The seventh month of the Moslem lunar year, answering to 
October about this time. 
•' Guy le Strange, " Palestine under the Moi'lems," p. 484. 


the emperor Isaac Angelus also allied himself with the 
sultan, and wrote to say that the Germans would never 
reach Syria, and could do no harm even if they did.^ 

The sudden collapse of the kingdom of Jerusalem 
was announced to Europe, and was received with 
consternation. It was due in great measure to the 
degeneracy of the third generation of Frank colonists, 
and to the decay of the ancient just rule which, at 
first, made native Christians and Moslems alike 
willing to live under the feudal laws. The third 
Crusade ^ was at once undertaken as being necessar}' 
for the peace of Europe. The hero of this campaign 
was Richard Lion-heart, and the treaty which he 
finally made with Saladin, being often renewed later, 
formed the basis of agreements between Franks and 
Moslems for nearly a century. Frederick Barbarossa 
was the first in the field, but he died of a chill in 
Asia Minor in 1189 a.d., and only some 5,000 Germans 
reached Acre, out of 200,000 who left Germany, having 
been much harassed by the Turks on their way by 
land to Antioch. The French king Philip Augustus 
brought perhaps 60,000 men to aid King Guy at the 
siege of Acre in the spring of 1191 a.d., but after the 
capture of the city he went home, and the French 
were never very cordial supporters of the English, 
who, for the first time, appeared in force in Palestine 
under Richard.^ After the great battle of Arsuf 
(between Caesarea and Jaffa), in which Saladin was 
badly beaten by Richard, the sultan retired with 
his disheartened army to Jerusalem, where he passed 
the winter of 1191-2 a.d. On April 13 of the next 
year the Christian army again advanced to Beit Nuba, 

1 "Regesta," Nos. 681, 685, 688; Beha-ed-Din, II. Ixxi. pp. 185-9, 
English translation. 

* The second Crusade was an armed pilgrimage of King Louis VII. 
of France in 1147 a.d., with a futile attack on Damascus (" Latin King- 
dom of Jer.," pp. 108-12). 

» Perhaps 50,000 men. 


at the foot of the Jerusalem hills, and the French were 
eager to undertake the re-conquest of the Holy City. 
But Richard knew that Saladin had stopped up all 
the wells and springs outside, and he remembered the 
cause of disaster at Hattin, as did the Templars and 
Hospitallers, who advised him to march on Egypt. 
They were only 12 miles from Jerusalem, but the dis- 
cordant counsels of the leaders led to a final breach 
with the French, who refused to serve any longer under 
Richard. Had he known the despondency of the 
defeated Moslems, the result might have been different; 
but the lands of the two great Orders were now secured, 
and the seaports contented the great trading repub- 
lics of Italy. Richard and Saladin — both exhausted 
by the conflict — were both anxious to arrive at a 
settlement, and negotiations went on during the whole 
winter preceding the final advance now interrupted. 

Beha-ed-Din tells a remarkable story connected 
with this episode.' Saladin, in Jerusalem, was in 
deep anxiety as to the future of his empire, when 
this faithful friend advised him to visit the Aksa 
Mosque, and to pray humbly for aid, which he did 
" in a low voice, his tears rolling down on the prayer- 
carpet." " In the evening of the same da}^ (a Friday), 
we were on duty with him as usual, when behold, 
he received a despatch from Jurdik, who was then 
commanding the advanced guard. It was in the 
following words : ' The whole of the enemy's force 
came out on horseback, and took up their position 
on the top of a tell, after which they returned to their 
camp. We have sent spies to see what is going on.' 
On Saturday morning another despatch came, which 
ran thus : * Our spy has returned, and brings news 
that discord is rife among the enemy. One party is 
anxious to push on to the Holy City ; the others 
wish to return to their own territory. The French 

' English translation, 1897, pp. 12, 350. 


insist on advancing on Jerusalem.'" This was the 
great debate already mentioned, and " on the following 
day . . . they broke up their camp." It was thus 
not the Christians only who believed that Providence 
was on their side. King Richard was ill and dis- 
couraged, and in his absence at Acre Saladin captured 
Jaffa, but was soon driven back on return of the 
great champion of Christendom. At length the two 
leaders agreed to a truce, to last for three years and 
eight months from September 2, 1192. The plains 
were to remain in undisturbed possession of the 
Christians — that is, of the two Orders, and of the 
Italian republics, which had their quarters in each 
seaside town — and two Latin priests, with two deacons, 
were to be allowed to remain in Jerusalem, with a 
like number in Bethlehem. All those of the Christian 
army who desired were allowed to visit the Holy City 
as pilgrims before returning home, that in this manner 
their vows might be fulfilled. 

Thus King Richard left Palestine for ever, but his 
name is even now not forgotten in villages along the 
line of his great flank march from Acre to Jaffa. His 
words, as he gazed on the half-reconquered land 
from his ship, are said to have been, "O Holy Land, 
I commend thy people to God. May He permit me 
to visit thee again, and to aid thee." But only once 
again was any Christian king to be crowned in 
Jerusalem, and only one other interesting historic 
episode remains to be described. Saladin died, worn 
out, at the age of fifty-six, on February 21, 1193, and 
Richard, after two years of captivity in Austria, died 
before the fortress of Chalus in Normandy in 1 199 a.d. 
The next champion of Christendom was of a very 
different stamp, and the heroic age had now passed 
away. Saladin's dying advice to his son gives us 
the secret of his success, which had enduring results. 
"I commend you," he said, "to the Most High, the 


giver of all good. Do thou His will, for that is the 
way of peace. Beware of blood : trust not in that, for 
spilt blood never sleeps ; and seek the hearts of thy 
people, and care for them. ... I have become great 
because I won men's hearts by gentleness and kindness. 
Nourish no hatred of any, for death spares none. Deal 
prudently with men, for God will not pardon if they 
do not forgive. Yet, as between Him and thee. He will 
pardon if thou dost repent, for He is most gracious." 

Jerusalem plays no part in the history of the 
Prankish occupation of the Palestine plains during 
the thirteenth century, except in the time of the 
emperor Frederick II. Saladin had repaired the 
walls of the city in 1192, but his nephew Melek el 
Mu'azzam, ruling in Damascus, feared that the Franks 
fighting in Egypt would succeed in capturing the 
Holy City, and would hold it as a fortress in future. 
In 1 2 19 he ordered all the walls and towers to be 
demolished, except those of the Haram and of the 
citadel.^ Jerusalem thus remained defenceless for 
ten years, till the arrival of Frederick II. This 
brilliant emperor was a type of the most advanced 
culture of his age — a culture which Europe owed 
to nearly a century and a half of contact with the 
ancient civilisation of Byzantium and Syria. On 
November 9, 1225, he married Yolande, daughter of 
John of Brienne, who, as husband of Mary the rightful 
heiress, claimed to be king of Jerusalem. Yolande 
died within three years, but Frederick II. disputed 
with John the right to the kingdom. The emperor 
was a good Arabic scholar, and was in communication 
with Melek el Kamil (Saladin's nephew), the sultan 
of Egypt, on questions of science and philosophy. 
The successors of Saladin were at strife, and the 
rulers of Cairo and Damascus were equally anxious 
to secure alliance with the Christians. As early as 

' Robinson, "Bib. Kes.,' 1838, i. p. 317. 


1226 we find the emperor encouraging the Teutonic 
Order in Germany.^ They had acquired a large 
property in Upper Galilee six years before, and were 
now given " free use of waters, grazing, and wood," 
throughout the empire. In spite of papal excom- 
munications, constantly renewed, Frederick II. reached 
Acre on September 7, 1228 ; and on February 18 next 
year he made a treaty, near Jaffa, with his friend 
Melek el Kamil, which was to last till 1240 a.d, 
Jerusalem and Bethlehem were given up to the 
Christians, with all the lands of the three Orders, 
in the plains and in Galilee ; but it was stipulated that 
the walls of Jerusalem should not be rebuilt, and that 
the mosque should remain in Moslem possession.^ 
On March 17, 1229, Frederick entered Jerusalem, and 
crowned himself king of the Latin kingdom, thus 
peacefully regained, on the following day. In April 
of the same year he sealed a deed, at Acre, which 
gave to the Teutonic Order " the house, in the city of 
Jerusalem, that is in the quarter of the Armenians, 
near the Church of St. Thomas [of the Germans], 
which was formerly the garden of King Baldwin ; 
six acres of land and a house, which the brothers of 
the Order possessed in the said city before the loss of 
the Holy Land." This clearly applies to the German 
Hospice already described in the preceding chapter. 

Frederick II. was obliged to hurry home to Europe 
on May i, having been in Palestine less than eight 
months; for John of Brienne resented this usurpation of 
his throne, and as the vassal of the Pope invaded the 
emperor's possessions in Apulia. The emperor did 
nothing for the Templars nor the Hospitallers, because 
they had obeyed Pope Gregory IX., and had refused 
to help him. Thus the ancient Templars' Hospice 

1 " Regesta,'' Nos. 934, 940, 974. 

2 Ibid., Nos. 997, loio; "Latin Kingdom of Jer.," p. 313; A. Socin 
(" Baedeker's Guide,'" 1876, p. 177). 


remained a mosque in Jerusalem, and a text dating 
1236 A.D. speaks of the restoration of part of the Aksa 
by Melek el Mu'a?zam 'Aisa of Damascus, during the 
ten years of Christian occupation of the Holy City. 

In the last year of the peace thus established, the 
Templars began to arrange for alliance with Damascus 
against Egypt, thus reversing the policy of Fred- 
erick n. Hermann, the grand master, explained^ 
to the lord of Caesarea that, the Saracen princes being 
engaged in civil war, one of them was ready even to 
become a Christian ; and he broke the treaty, which 
he regarded as having expired with the death of Melek 
el Kamil the year before, in favour of the new alliance. 
The Christians began to rebuild the walls of Jeru- 
salem, but Daiid Emir of Kerak fell upon them,^ and 
a massacre followed ; all that had been erected was 
overthrown, and the Tower of David was dismantled. 
In 1240 Count Thibaud of Champagne came to the 
rescue of the Orders, though forbidden to go by both 
Pope and emperor. He was entirely defeated at 
Gaza, but Hermann succeeded in making his treaty 
with Saleh 'Imad-ed-Din of Damascus.^ The Egyptians 
then called to their aid the wild Kharezmian Turks, 
who were being pressed west by the Mongols, and 
thus wrought a terrible vengeance on their Syrian 
kinsmen. In 1244 these hordes advanced through 
Syria pillaging and slaying. Templars, Hospitallers, 
and all other Christians fled before them from Jeru- 
salem, leaving only the poor and the sick. The city 
had been given up to them without conditions under 
the new treaty, and the walls appear to have been 
hastily rebuilt ; but they were easily stormed, and 
not onl}' were all the remaining Christians murdered, 

1 "Regesta," No. 1088. 
» Robinson, " Bib. Res.," 1838, i. p. 317. 

' "Regesta," Nos. 1094, 1095; "Makrizi," see "Latin Kingdom of 
Jer.," pp. 316-18. 


but it is said that, by ringing the bells, the Kharez- 
mians lured back others, who, seeing banners with 
crosses displayed on the walls, supposed that some 
unexpected rescue had come, but who, thus deceived, 
were also massacred.' The tombs of the Latin kings 
were desecrated, probably in search of treasure ; but 
they were not — as is often stated — destroyed, for they 
were still visible in the sixteenth century, and were 
only removed after the great fire of 1808. 

The Kharezmians joined their Egyptian allies at 
Gaza, where a great battle was fought against the 
Christians and the Syrian Moslems, who met with 
a crushing defeat. The victors proceeded to take 
Damascus, but here the Turks and Egyptians fell out, 
and after two pitched battles the Kharezmians fled 
north, and dispersed in Asia Minor. Jerusalem was 
not restored to the Christians, but was occupied by 
Melek es Saleh Nejm ed Din, the sultan of Eg3'pt. 
Frederick IL was indignant with the Templars, and 
laid all the blame on them for not having accepted 
the treaty which Richard, Count of Cornwall (who 
afterwards became titular emperor in 1257), had made 
with Melek es Saleh of Egypt in 1241,^ instead of that 
which Hermann the grand master contracted in 1244 
with Melek es Saleh Ism'ail of Damascus. Frederick 
had already protested against the conduct of the Order 
because " they took away from the dominion of the 
Emperor the Temple of the Lord in Jerusalem, in- 
tending to build in it a fortress contrary to the em- 
peror's honour" ; for he considered himself still bound 
by his agreement not to fortify the Holy City, and he 
therefore commanded the Templars to desist from the 
work. After the Gaza defeat they never had any 
further opportunity of disobeying his orders ; and, in 
1 146, Melek es Saleh of Egypt wrote to Pope Inno- 

1 Besant and Palmer, " Jer.," 1871, p. 459. 
' " Kegesta," Nos. iioi, 11 14, 11 19. 


cent IV. to say " that he was sorry the Holy 
Sepulchre had been destroyed, and promised to 
punish the malefactors, and would give the keys of 
the said sepulchre to his faithful ones, who would 
never open it except to pilgrims, and that he desired 
to contribute to its restoration and adornment." ' 

Jerusalem was never again in the hands of the 
Christians, and is little noticed in the latter half of 
the thirteenth century. St. Louis never even at- 
tempted its conquest, during the four years that he 
spent in the East from 1250 a.d. Ten years later 
Bibars usurped the throne of Saladin's family, and 
proceeded victoriously to drive the Franks out of 
Syria. He was arrested in his designs by Prince 
Edward, afterwards Edward I. of England,^ with whom 
he made a truce for ten years and ten months, which 
secured what remained of their possessions in Pales- 
tine to the Christians ; but it did not include the 
recession of Jerusalem. Bibars was succeeded in 
Egypt by Kala'un, who had been a slave, but who 
became sultan about 1279 a.d. With him other truces 
were made, but the lands held by Templars and 
Hospitallers dv».4ndled gradually, and the county of 
Tripoli met the same fate that had overtaken Antioch 
in the reign of Bibars. On the death of Kala'un the 
various agreements lapsed ; and a massacre of Moslems, 
in March 1291, led to the siege of Acre by his son 
Melek el Ashraf, and to the fall of this last city held 
by the Franks on May 18 in the same year. 

The old Crusader spirit had quite died out after the 
departure of Prince Edward in 1272. The Popes con- 
tinued to oppose the policy of permanent agreements 
with the Moslems of Syria and Egypt. They fixed 
their hopes on the Mongols, who were popularly 
supposed to be ruled by Christians. For the Mongol 
khans were educated as Confucians, and tolerated 

1 " Regesta," No. 1144. ^ " Latin Kingdom of Jer.,' pp. 390-400. 



every religion of their subjects. They never succeeded 
in overcoming the power of the sultans of Egypt, and 
the policy of Frederick II. would have been more 
favourable to the Christian cause in the East than that 
of the Popes proved to be. The failure of Nicholas IV. 
to arouse enthusiasm when Acre was about to fall 
was due partly to the increased education of Europe 
which had undermined the ancient zeal for the Church, 
partly to the fact that when money for a Crusade was 
raised, it was used for other purposes than the recovery 
of Jerusalem, and spent in wars against Constantinople 
and Egypt, and partly to its being found practically 
simpler for the three great Orders and the Italian 
republics to make their own separate treaties with 
Moslem rulers. It had become a recognised custom to 
permit the presence of priests and Franciscans in 
Jerusalem, and the pilgrims were a source of revenue 
to the Moslems, who allowed them to visit the holy 
places lying beyond the lands held by the Templars. 
There was also great discontent already, roused by the 
pride and tyranny of the Church of Rome. At the 
time when Acre fell, Pope Nicholas IV. was refusing 
to recognise the heir of the reigning emperor, 
Rudolph of Hapsburg, while Edward I. of England 
and Philip IV. of France were about to declare war 
on one another. Melek el Ashraf thus reaped the 
advantage of the great struggles which were preparing 
the way in Europe for the Reformation. 

Jerusalem was disappearing from history, being now 
regarded as a city chiefly precious to the pilgrims and 
the devout Moslems. The only new buildings to be 
described are additions made to the mosque. Either 
Kala un or his son built the north-west minaret of the 
Haram ; and the latter, whose name was Muhammad, 
rebuilt the south wall, and added the existing cloisters 
on the west side of the enclosure. He has left a text 
in the Dome of the Rock, dating about 13 19 a.d., 



About 1308 A.D. 

p. 322] 


recording further restorations of Saladin's work ; while 
the dome of the Aksa also bears one of his inscriptions 
dating 1327 a.d. The north-east minaret was not added 
till thirty years later, according to an extant text.^ 

The ancient map of the city in the early years of 
the fourteenth century, which is to be found in the 
elaborate work of Marino Sanudo, has been already 
mentioned. This writer presented his book to the 
Pope, and was zealous in endeavouring to revive the 
enthusiasm of Europe for the recovery of Palestine, 
but his efforts met with no success. His map repre- 
sents the Holy City much as it was in Saladin's time. 
The House of Caiaphas and the Coenaculum appear 
surrounded by the wall of the barbican. The Pool of 
Bethesda is shown in its present site at the Birket 
Israil, and St. Stephen's Gate is on the east instead of 
on the north ; but the mediaeval pool west of St. Anne 
is also marked as a " piscina." The apocryphal 
"Upper and Lower Gihon" are shown on the west; 
the Church of the " Spasm " is at the corner where the 
Via Dolorosa bends south, just where its remains have 
now been found. These are the chief features of the 
map demanding notice. 

The later history of Jerusalem may be very briefly 
summed up.- Immediately after the loss of Acre, the 
Turks of Asia Minor began to become powerful. The 
Osmanli sultans of Iconium were descended from 
'Othman, a Kharezmian vassal of the Seljuk family, 

' The roof of the Dome of the Rock was destroyed by fire in 1448 
(Mejir ed Din), but this does not mean the Dome. Later te.\ts refer to 
the work of Turkish sultans. Suleiman in 1520 cased the bases and 
upper blocks of the pillars in the Dome of the Rock with marble, and 
gave the beautiful coloured windows in 1528. The doors were restored 
in 1564, and the wooden ceiling of the outer arcade was renewed in 
1776. The latest restorations were those of Sultan Mahmud in 1830, 
and of 'Abd el 'Aziz in 1873-5. The Kishani tiles of the exterior bear 
the date 1561 a.d. (see back, p. 253). 

* For minor events, see Besant and Palmer, "Jerusalem," 1871, 
pp. 434-42. 


which, down to 1288, retained power in Asia Minor. 
The new dynasty made their capital at Broussa, and 
already threatened Constantinople before they were 
crushed by Timur at Angora in 1402. The Osmanlis 
soon recovered, and when they at length conquered 
Byzantium, in 1453, the terror of the Turk fell on 
Europe, and led incidentally to the toleration of the 
Protestants in Germany. In 15 16 the sultan Selim 
invaded Syria, and in the next year he entered Cairo. 
He thus attained a practical right to the title of 
Khalifah of the Prophet, because that office was always 
purely elective, and was bestowed on the " gTiardian 
of the two shrines " {Hdmi el Harmnchi) of Mekkah 
and Jerusalem, which the present sultan still is. 
Besides this claim, Selim was acknowledged by El 
Mutawakkil, son of 'Amr el Hakim, a descendant of 
the 'Abbaside khalifs found living, as titular khalifah, 
in the Egyptian capital, as well as by the sherif of 
Mekkah, The walls of Jerusalem were rebuilt, in 
1542, by Sultan Suleiman, and are noticed by Pierre 
Belon, the naturalist, in the following 3^ear, as being 
" new." They are those which still exist, and 
Suleiman's name is recorded in an inscription upon 
them at the Jaffa Gate, as also in another which shows 
that he restored the Birket es Sultan, or old " Pool of 
the Germans," in the upper Hinnom Valley. His 
gift of beautiful windows, and his other work, in the 
Dome of the Rock have already been noted. In 1555 
the Franciscans v/ere allowed to place a new roof on 
the Holy Sepulchre, and to execute repairs in the 
interior of the chapel, as already mentioned. 

The most interesting description of the Holy City 
under the early Turkish sultans is that of Zuallardo ' 
in 1586. He was a Fleming, long resident at Rome, 

' " II Devotissimo Viaggio di Gerusalemme,'' published in Rome in 
1587, with editions in 1595 and 1597; an enlarged French edition 
dates i6c8. 


and was made a knight of the papal Order of the 
Holy Sepulchre in the Church itself, by means of 
the sword and gilt spurs supposed to have belonged 
to Godfrey of Bouillon, which are still shown in the 
Latin Chapel. His work is remarkable for its illus- 
trations, which, though ver}- rough, are of considerable 
value, as has already been shown. His sketch of the 
south facade of the cathedral is, however, very in- 
accurate, as it does not show the windows over the 
double entrance gates, while the view of the rotunda, 
showing the mosaics of the eleventh century still re- 
maining on the drum, above the galler}', has been 
considerably touched up by the engraver. Zuallardo 
represents the present minaret at the Jaffa Gate, which 
was probably erected in 1542, but does not show 
any minaret at the mosque on the summit of Olivet, 
which had replaced the Church of the Ascension. He 
speaks of the " House of Herod," which (as noticed in 
the first chapter of this book) is not now one of the holy 
places. His drawings of the House of Caiaphas and 
House of Annas suggest that the}' have been altered 
since his time. The Church of St. John — now called 
the " Dormition of the Virgin " — which was recently 
granted to Catholics by the present German emperor, 
is mentioned. It was not a very early sacred site, 
though noticed about 132 1 a.d. by Marino Sanudo. 
Zuallardo also speaks of the " Retreat of the 
Apostles " — the tomb probably of Ananus — and of 
anchorites in the Kidron Valley. The Jews were in 
the habit of throwing stones at Absalom's tomb, and 
he shows the stone-heaps there, which still remain. 
The carved lions at the east gate were already there 
— no doubt since 1542; the old Church of the Spasm 
was still visible, and the "Chapel of the Mocking" 
(St. Sophia) in the Antonia citadel is noticed, as well 
as the extant " Chapel of the Flagellation." Several 
other sites, as described or pictured in this account. 


have been already mentioned, such as the tombs of 
the Crusader kings, and the Sepulchre itself. The 
remains of the chapel at Siloam were not yet covered 
with earth, and are described as those of a church of 
the Salvatore llluminatore. 

In 1808 occurred the disastrous fire in the cathedral 
which destroyed much of the twelfth-century work. 
The dome was again restored about 1S60 by the 
emperor of the French. In 1831 Jerusalem submitted 
to 'Aly Pasha of Egypt, and a revolt of the Bedawin 
against him was quelled in 1834. Six years later the 
Holy City reverted to the Turkish sultan 'Abd el 
Mejid. Since that time the most remarkable event has 
been the large increase of 40,000 Jews to its popula- 
tion, due mainly to the Russian persecutions of 1881. 

We have thus traversed the long ages during which 
Jerusalem has been, for four thousand years, a holy 
city. It can never be anything else. Whatever be 
the outcome of the regeneration of the Turkish empire, 
Jerusalem can never be a very great centre of trade. 
It will remain what it has been for so many centuries 
— the Holy City. To the Jew it is the city of David 
and Solomon, to the Christian the city where our 
Lord was crucified, to the Moslem also a city sancti- 
fied b}^ many traditions, and by the memory of the 
proud days when it was won for Islam b}^ Omar and 
by Saladin. Perhaps, in the distant future, we may 
learn more of the ancient remains now hidden under 
the platform of the Haram, or of those beneath the 
houses of the present town ; in these pages all that 
has been so far discovered of importance has, in the 
author's belief, been described, and the very sanctity of 
the place makes it as yet impossible to explore some 
of its most interesting remains. But the Holy City 
may still be described in the words of the Psalmist : 
" Jerusalem is builded as a city of gathering together 
to itself; for thither the tribes go up" (Psalm cxxii. 3). 


F. Obertliiir, " Flavii Joseph! Hebraei Opera Omnia," 3 vols., 1782. 

\V. Surenhuse, " Mischna," 6 vols,, 1698. 

Constantine I'Empereur, " Codex Middoth," 1630. 

John Buxtorf, " Lexicon Chaldaicnm," 1630. 

A. Neubauer, " La Geographic dn Talmud," 1868. 

F. Larstow and G. Parthey, "Eusebii Pamphili Onomasticon," 1862. 

T. Tobler, "Theodoricus de Locis Sanctis," 1865. 

" Itinerarium Burdigala Hierosolymam usque," 1S69. 

,, " Perigrinatio S. Paulpe," 1S69. 

,, " S. Eucherii Epitome," 1869. 

,, " Theodori Liber de Situ Terrre Sanctae," 1869. 

„ ''S. Willibaldi Vita sen Hodaeporicon," 1874. 

,, " Bernardi Sapientis Monachi Itinerarium," 1S74. 

., " Jnhannis Wirziburgensis descriptio Terrse Sanctae," 1S74. 

J. Bongars, " Gesta Dei per Francos," 161 1. 

Publications of Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society (32 Nos.), 1884-97. 
T. Wright, " Early Travels in Palestine " (Bohn's edit.), 1848. 
"Chronicles of the Crusades" (Bohns trans.), 1871. 
A. Schultens, "Vita et Res Gesta Saladini," 1735. 
" La Citez de Jherusalem " (C. K. Conder's trans.), 188S. 

E. Carmoly, " Itineraires de la Terre Sainte," 1847. 

H. Reland, "Palestina ex Monumentis Veteribus Illustrata," 2 vols., 


F. de Saulcy, " Recherches sur la Numismatique Judaique," 1854. 

„ ''Voyage en Terre Sainte," 1865. 

F. W. Madden. "History of Jewish Coinage,' 1864. 
R. Rohricht, " Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani," 1893. 

E. Robinson, " Biblical Researches in Palestine, 1838 and 1S52," 3 vols., 

1 8 56. 
Prof. Dr. Guthe and P. Palmer, "Die Mosaikkarte von Madeba," 1906. 
Rev. R. Willis, "Church of the Holy Sepulchre," 1849. 
T. Hayter Lewis, "The Holy Places of Jerusalem," 1888. 
M. de Vogiie, " tglises de la Terre Sainte," i860. 
„ ,, " Le Temple de Jerusalem," 1863. 

G. Zuallardo, " II Devotissimo Viaggio di Gerusalemme," 15S7. 



p. Belon, "Observations en Grece, Asie, etc.," 1553. 

J. Derenbourg, "L'Histoire et la Geographic de la Palestine," 1867. 

W. H. Waddington, " Inscriptions Grecques et Latines de la Syrie,' 

A. V'imbery, " History of Bokhara," 1873. 
Sir C. W. Wilson, " Ordnance Survey of Jerusalem," 1865. 
Sir C. Warren and Colonel C. R. Conder, " The Survey of Western 

Palestine: Jerusalem," 1884. 
Sir C. Warren, " Underground Jerusalem," 1877. 

F. J. Bliss, "Excavations at Jerusalem," 1898. 

Quarterly Statements^ Palestine Exploration Fund, 1 865-1908. 

G. le Strange, "Palestine under the Moslems," 1890. 
Various Authors, "The Recovery of Jerusalem," 1871. 

W. Besant and E. H. Palmer, "Jerusalem" (ist edit.), 187 1. 


J. Fergusson, "The Ancient Topography of Jerusalem," 1847. 

,, "The Holy Sepulchre and the Temple at Jerusalem," 1865. 

„ "The Temples of the Jews," 1878. 

Canon G. Williams, "The Holy City," 2 vols. (2nd edit.), 1849. 
Sir C. W'arren, " The Temple or the Tomb," 1880. 
Dr. F. Buhl, " Geographic des Alten Palastina," 1896. 
Dr. G. A. Smith, "Jerusalem," 2 vols., 1907. 
H. Rix, "Tent and Testament," 1907. 
Rev. S. Merrill, "Ancient Jerusalem," 1908. 


F. W. Sieber, 1818. 

Lieuts. Symonds and Aldrich, 1841. 

Dr. E. Robinson (revised), 1856. 

Lieut. Vandevelde, 1858. 

Sir C. W. Wilson, " Ordnance Survey," 1865. 

Colonel C. R. Conder, " Plan of Environs," 1881. 


Scale Rn ^sb. Fce i ^^ 


A p" I Domtnuxin 
HI— n VMoTUbrtrn 



.7 f 


.LiiiiJtd -Bambrir#i* ^>™^™^ 

_,naon. John Muri^.. 


•Abd el Melek, 23S-9 

'Abd§adak, 31-6 

'Abiri, 31 

Absalom's hand. 51 

— tomb, 51, 103, 325 

Aceldama, 250, 307 

Adam, Tomb of, 158 

Adonizedek, 30, 32 

.■Elia Capitolina, 18S-207 

Agrippa I., 122, 131, 162 

Agrippa, Wall of. 162-6 

Agrippa II., 122, 170 

Akra, 49, 92-6, 100-2, 113 

Aksa Mosque, 224-5, 239, 243, 

245-7. 253, 299, 312, 323 
Alexander the Great, 87-8 
Altar, 21, 57, 98, 125 
Amorites, 26-8 
Amraphel, 26 
Amygdalon Pool, 180-1 
Ananus, Tomb of, 23, 184, 325 
Antiochus III., 88, 91 
Antiochus IV., 91-2 
Antonia, 81, 94, 132-3, 183-4 
Aqueducts, 18, 41-5. 63, 161, 206 
Araunah, 28 
Ark, 50, 56 

Armenian Church (St. James), 303 
Armoury, The, 84 
Aryans in Palestine, 86-7 
Ascension, Church of the, 11, 23, 

231, 306 
Asncrie, The, 155 
Assa.ssins, The, 268 
Atonement, The Day of, 131 

Baptisteries, 216, 220, 262 
Barbican, The, 290, 323 
Bar Cocheba, 194, 196-7 
Baris Tower, 81, 132 
Bathsheba's Bath, 21 
Beautiful Gate, The, 129, rai, 

218, 287, 298 
Bene Hezir, Tomb of the, 104 
Benjamin, Gate of, 59, 72 
Bernard the Wise, 247-8, 251 
Bethany, 18, 23, 304 
Bether, 193-5 

Bethesda, Pool of, 16, 142-4 
Bethphage, 21 
Bethso, 114 

Bezetha, 99, 163, 170, 183 
Bibars, Sultan, 321 
Birket Israil, 17, 143, 323 

— Mamilla, 44, 53, 63, 178, 228, 


— es Sultan, 53, 303 
Bishops, 189, 207, 249, 250 
Bosheth, 72 

Bridge, The Tyropoeon, 107, 119, 

Broad Wall, The, 50, 82 

Calvary, 13, 80, 151-8, 161, 213, 

215, 229, 262-3, 293 
Camp of the Assyrians, 63, 179, 

Caphenatha = Ophel, 100 
Causeway, The, 129. 221, 226, 





Cave of the Agony, i8 

— of Pelagia, 18, 206, 307 
Caverns of the Kings, 163, 165 
Chanson de Charlemagne, 251 
Chapel of Helena, 230, 262 

— of the Mocking, 17, 150, 225, 

Charlemagne, 250-1 
Cherethites and Pelethites, 52 
Cherubim, The, 57-8 
Christian Street, 5 
Coenaculum, The, 14, 302 
Coins, 101-3, 197-9, 203-4 
Conduit of Upper Pool, 63, 67 
Constantine, 209-12 
Corner Gate, The, 62, 72, 82, 

►■Council House, The, 113, 135, 145, 

147. 185 
Cradle of Christ, The, 19, 221, 

Credo Chapel, The, 18 
Crete, 86-7 
Cross, The, 11 
Crown of Thorns, The, 12 
Crucifixions, 103, 151, 159 
Crusades, 276-82, 314-6 
Cyprus, 87 

East Gate, The, 72 

Ecce Homo Arch, The, 21, 205, 

Edward I., King, 321 
El Borak, 255 

— Mamijn, 252-3 

— Mukaddasi, 240, 258-9 
En-rogel, 43, 51 
Ephraim, Gate of, 62, 82 
Essenes, Gate of the, 114 
Eudocia's Wall, 200, 218 
Exchanges, The, 297 
Exodus, Date of the, 31 

Fatemites, The, 258-60, 267, 279 
Field of Burial, The, 68, 84 
First Wall, The, 113-5 
Fish Gate, The, 68, 81-2 
Flagellation, Chapel of the, 226, 

298, 325 
Footprints, 10, 11, 224, 231, 300 
Forged coins, 198-9 
Franciscans, The, 18, 22 
Frank Kings, The, 282-4, 294 
Frederick I., Barbarossa, 314 
Frederick II., 317-8 

David, City of, 4, 41, 48, 93, 94, 
102, 113 

— Tower of. See Pisans 
Dolorous Gate, 21 

Dome of the Chain, 241, 301 

— of Gabriel, 253 

— of the Prophet, 253 

— of the Rock, 233, 237-43, 252- 
3, 300, 312-13, 322 

— of the Roll, 21, 254, 301 

— of Spirits, 253 
Dormition of the Virgin, 325 
Double Gate, The, 120, 225 
Dovecote, Rock of the, 183 
Drafted masonry, 91, 117, 219-20 
Draw-well, Chamber of the, 127-8 
Druzes, The, 260-1 

Dung Gate, The, yy, 83 

Gabbatha, 146 

Galilee on Sion, 14, 16 

Gallicantus, Chapel of, 16 

Garden Tomb, The, 155 

Gareb, Hill of, 72, 153 

Gate between two walls. The, 72, 85 

— of the Chain, 129, 226, 287 

— of the Prophet, 129, 235, 255 
Gates of , the city, 77-85, 115, 221, 

288-9 ' 

— of the Temple, 59, 127-30 
Gennath Gate, The, 115 
Geology, 39-40 
Gethsemane, 18, 140, 147 
Gihon, Spring of, 41-2, 52, 64, 68 
Goath, 72 

Godfrey of Bouillon, 278, 280 
Golden Eagle, The, 132 

— Gate, The, 218, 223, 225 



Golgotha = Calvary, 151-8 
Goliath's Castle, 289 
Greeks, The, 86-92 
Gymnasium, The, 89, 135 

Hadrian, 192-4. I99. 202-7 

— Statue of, 202 

Hakim (El), 259 

Hammam esh Shefa (Healing 

Bath), 45 
Hamzah's buckler, 255 
Hananeel, Tower of, 72, 81, 82 
Harun er Rashid, 250 
Hasmonsans, The, 97-^07 
Healing Bath. The. 45 
Hebrews, The, = 'Abiri, 33-4, 

Helena's monument, 163-4. 1/7 
Hermits. 303 
Herod Antipas, 149, 160 

— the Great, 108-11, 122 
Herod's monuments, 178, 184 
Hezekiah's Pool, 45. 63. 181, 303 

— tunnel, 65 
Hildebrand, Pope, 271 
Hinnom, Valley of, 27-8, 51-2, 62 

— Texts in, 248-9 

Hippicus. The tower, 113-4. ^34 
Hippodrome, The, 136, 159 
Hittites, The, 27-9, 72. 86 
Holy Fire, The, 13, 295 

— Ghost, Chapel of, 2 

— Lance, The, 13 

— Sepulchre, The, 13, 154-8. 211- 
15, 229, 262-4, 290-4 

Horse Gate, The, 60. 68, 72, 85 
Hospital of Charlemagne, 251, 264 

— of Justinian, 226 

— of St. John, 6, 13, 269, 296-7 

— The Teutonic, 2, 301, 318 
House of Annas, 16, 302, 325 

— of Caiaphas, 14, 15, 302, 323, 325 

— of David, 50, 60 

— of Dives, 23 

— of the Erebinthi, 184 

— of Herod, 22. 325 

— of Heroes, The, 84 

House of Millo, 84 

— of the Pharisee, 23 

— of Pilate. 16, 17 

— of Stoning, 152-4 

— of Uriah, 21 

Huldah Gates, The, 119-20, 129 
Hyrcanus, The Palace of, 89 

Inner Pool, The (Piscina Interior), 
17, 298, 303. 323 

]ames the Great, 169 

— the Less, 168 
Jannaeus, Alexander, 102-3 
Japhia, King, 32 

Jebus, 27, 37, 41. 48 

Jeremiah's Grotto, 153 

Jews at Jerusalem. 153, 196, 286,. 

Job, Monastery of, 249-5° 

— Well of, 43-4. 250, 304 

John Hyrcanus, Monument of, 

177. 180 
Josephus, 1 1 1-12, 181-2 
Judas, The hanging of, 18 

— Maccabccus, 97-9 
Julian, The Emperor, 217 
Justinian, 222-6 

Kala'un, Sultan, 321 
Keft, The, 86 

Kharezmians, The, 319-20 
Khosrau II., 227-8 
Kidron, Valley of. 52, 72 

— tombs, 103-5 
King's Dale, The, 25, 51 

— Entry. The, 64 

— Garden, The, 61, 72. 83-4 
Kipunus, The Gate. 129, 141 

Lower Pool, The, 63 

Malquisinat Street, 287 
Mariamne, The Tower. 134 



Marino Sanudo, 323 

Masjid el Ak?a. See Aksa. 

Masons' marks, 287 

Meah , The Tower, 8 r 

Medeba map. The, 200, 221 

Melchizedek, 25, 26, 31 

Millo = Akra, 49 

Miphkad, The Gate, 59, 85 

Modestus, 228-9 

Modin, 97 

Moked, The House, 125-7, 13°. 

Monument of the Fuller, 163 
Moriah, 27 

Moslem conquests, 234 
Mosque of Omar, 236-7 
Mount of Corruption, The, 61 

Nebuchadnezzar, 71 

Nehemiah's wall, 81-5 

New Gate, The, 72 

Nicanor, The Gate of, 12S, 139 

Nob. 64 

Norman architecture, 286 

Normans, The, 277 

Oak of Rogel, 21 
Old Gate, The, 82 

— Pool, The, 63 

Olivet, Mount, 10, 23, 61, 141, 

Omar, The Khalifah, 235-6 
Omawiyah Khalifs, The, 237, 240 
Ophel, 39-41, 52, 62, 68, 84-5, 

100, I 14-5 
-Ossuaries, 128, 164, 190-1 

Palace of Annas, 140, 147 

— of David, 50 

— of Frank Kings, 293 

— of the Hasmonaeans, 135, 145, 

— of Helena, 176 

— of Herod, 4, 134-5 

— of Monobasus, 176 

— of Solomon, 60, 61, 84 
Paradise, The, 230, 291 

Parthians, The, 109-10 
Pastophoria, The, 176 
Pater Noster Chapel, The, 18 
Patriarch's Bath, The, 45, 63, 303 
Pavement, The, 146 
Persians, The, 74-7 
Peter the Hermit, 275-6 
Peter's Prison, 16, 302 
Phasaelus, The Tower, 134, 159, 

Philistines, The, 29, 86 
Pierced Stone, The, 57, 202 
Pilate, 148-50, 160 
Pilate's Aqueduct, i6r 
Pilgrims, 9-24, 264, 273-4 
Pillar, Gate of the, 201, 288 

— of Scourging, 15 

Pinnacle of the Temple, 19, 142 
Pisans, Castle of the, 134, 2S4 
Piscina interior. See Inner Pool 
Pompey, 105-8 
♦ Praetorium, The, 17, 146, 149 
Prison of Christ, The, 16, 231, 262 

— Gate, The, 59, 85 

* Procurators, The, 160 

Prophet's Gate, The. See Gates 

Psephinus, The Tower, 163, 165 

Ptolemy I., 88 

Ptolemy II., 88 

Ptolemy V., 88 

Purstau not Philistines, 86 

Quarters of the City, 205, 2S6 

Rabbi 'Akibah, 196 

Red heifer. The, 131 

Relics, II, 12 

Repose of Mary, The, 21, 2 88 

Retreat of the Apostles, 23, 184, 

Richard Lion-heart, 314-6 

Sahrah " plateau," The, 153 

Saint Agnes, 20 

— Anne, 21, 221, 2S7, 29S, 313 



Saint Chariton, 21, 298, 313 

— George, 20, 249, 302 

— Giles, 20, 298 

— James the Less, 20, 302 

— John Baptist, 270, 296-7 
on Olivet, ig 

on Sion, 325 

— Lazarus, 18, 2S9, 304 

— Mark, 20, 302 

— Martin, 302 

— Mary of the Germans, 301 
(Aksa Mosque), 17, 223-5, 


Latin, 21, 269, 296 

Magdalene, 21, 298 

Magna, 21, 296 

Saint Saba, 303 

— Saviour, 302 

— Sion, 14, 204, 217, 231, 302 

— Sophia, 17, 225, 325 

— Stephen, 16, 19, 20, 218, 305 

— Thomas, 20, 302 
of the Germans, 301 

— Veronica, 22 

Sakhrah " rock," The, 53-7, 126- 

7, 225, 239 
Saladin, 308-16 
Salem, 25 
Sanballat, 75 
Saramel, loi 

School of the Virgin, 21, 301 
Seat of the Governor, yy, 82 
Second Wall, The, 114 
Seljuks, The, 264-8 
Sennacherib, 67-8 
Serapis, 192, 203-4 
Serpent's Pool, The, 44, 178 
Shallecheth, The Gate, 59 
Sheep Gate, The, 81 
Shiloah (Siloam), 63 
Shishak, 62 

Shushan, The Gate, 129, 131 
Si'a, The temple at, 121 
Silla " steps," 84 
Siloah (Siloam), 83-4 
Siloam, The Pool of, 41-2, 63-4, 

65-7, 72, Tj, 114, 182, 217, 220 

— Chapel at, 220, 326 

Siloam Inscription, The, 66-7 
Simon the Hasmonaean, 101 
Sion. See Zion 
Skopos, 172, 175, 177 
Solomon's Pool, 53, 114, 144 

— Porch, 141 

— Temple. See Temple 
Spasm of the Virgin, Chapel of 

the, 22, 298, 323 
Spring, The Gate of the, tj , 83 

— of the Monster, 44 

Stables of Solomon, The, 21, 299 
Stairs of the City of David, 83-4, 

Stone of Foundation, The, 56 

— of Unction, The, 22 
Strouthios, The Pool, 136, 143 
Sundial in the Haram, 21 
Sur, The Gate, 59 

Tabernacles, The Feast of, 131-2 
Tadi, The Gate, 127, 130 
Tancred's Tower, 165, 289 
Tell Amarna tablets, 29-36 
Templars, The, 298-300, 319-20 
Temple of Herod, 53, 119, 123-31 

— of the Lord, 57, 300 

— of Solomon, 53-9 

— Zerubbabel, 53, 75-6 
Teutonic Order, The, 301, 318 
Texts, Aramaic, 11 8-9 
Theatre, Herod's, 136 

Third Wall, The, 162-6 

Three Maries, Chapel of the, 21, 

Tomb of Christ, 154-7 

— of David, 60, 68-70 

— of Joseph, 70 

— of Nicodemus, 70 

— of the Virgin, 17, 18, 226, 231, 

Tombs in Palestine, 157, 214 
Topheth, 27-8, 72, 73 
Tower of David. See Pisans 

— of the Furnaces, 82 
Traditions, 3, 8-24 
Transference of sites, 14 



Triple Gate, The, 120 
Turks, The, 256-8, 264-5, 323-4 
Twin Pools, The, 16, 136, 143-4 
Tyropoeon Valley, The, 38, 49, 

72, 80, 113 
Tyrus, The Palace at, 89-90 

Wall of Titus, 183-4 

Walls of the City, 50, 62, 68, 79 - 

85, 113-16, 162-7, 201, 219, 

289-90, 324 
Water Gate, The, 68. 84 
— supply, 40-6, 179, 303 
Women's Towers, 163-4, 177-8 

Upper Pool, The, 44, 6^, 180 
Uriah the Hittite, 28, 51 

Xystos, The, 113, 135, 159 

Valley Gate, The, 62, yj, 82 
Venus, The Temple of, 204 
Via Dolorosa, The, 22, 288 
Virgin's Well, The, 17, 144 

Zechariah, Tomb of, 105 

Zion = Sion, 27-8, 38, 46-8, 97- 

9, loi, 204 
Zoheleth, The stone, 43, 51-2 
Zuallardo, 324-5 


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